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[Cfare eshte fashizmi ? - What is fascism ?]
Permbajtja – Contents
1.Fashizmi si filozofi/Fascism as a philosophy …….FAQE 2| PAGE 7
2.Fashizmi ne shoqeri/Fascism in society ……FAQE 11| PAGE 15
3.Fashizmi ne ekonomi/Fascism in economics ……FAQE 18| PAGE 21
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[Fashizmi si filozofi – Fascism as a philosophy]
PJESA E PARE – PART ONE
dete zoterojne boten dhe ngjarjet e saj. Nje revolucion eshte kalimi i nje
ideje nga praktika ne teori. Pavarsisht se cfare thone kategori te caktuara
njerezish, interestat materiale nuk kane shkaktuar revolucione dhe nuk do
ta bejne kurre. Revolucionet e kane origjinen tek mendja, tek vete rrenja e
jetes, dhe jo tek organizmi material. Nje fe apo nje filozofi gjendet tek baza e
cdo revolucioni. Kjo eshte nje e vertete qe mund te provohet nga gjithe tradita
historike e njerezimit.
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Ne ndryshim nga teorite e kota te marksisteve dhe nga pallavrat e
Hollywoodit, fashizmi nuk eshte as 'mburoja e fundit e kapitalizmit', as nje
sistem 'thjesht' ekonomiko-shoqeror e as nje tirani qe i detyron njerezit te jene
pa forme dhe pa individualitet (kete te fundit ia kemi si falemnderit sistemit
komunist). Fashizmi eshte se pari nje filozofi.
Pavaresisht asaj cka thame me siper mbi kolektivizmin komunist, na duhet te
themi qe edhe individualizmi nuk i perputhet te vertetes. Njeriu eshte kafshe
sociale. Ai nuk lind dhe zhvillohet ne vakuum. Ai eshte pjeserisht shkak i
mjedisit dhe njerezve qe e rrethojne, dhe i imponon mjedisit dhe njerezve qe e
rrethojne ekzistencen dhe deshiren e tij. Ashtu si nje gur i hedhur ne
siperfaqen e nje uji formon rrathe koncentrike qe vijne e veniten sa me shume
largohen nga qendra, ashtu ndikojne dhe veprat e individit apo te mirat dhe te
ligat qe i jep fati mbi shoqerine. Ne fillim familja, pastaj komuniteti dhe ne
varesi te vepres gjithe fshati, qyteti, kombi apo edhe bota.
Rilindja, me arritjet e saj ne art dhe shkence, i dha apo ridha njeriut besimin
tek vetja. Me kete besim ama erdhi dhe arroganca, qe i dha njeriut idene qe
eshte apo duhet te jete i pavarur nga cdo lloj autoriteti i jashtem. E beri
njeriun te harroje qe njeriu mund te shprehe individualizmin e tij vetem kur
eshte pjese e nje dickaje me te madhe. Duke divorcuar njeriun nga autoritetet
e jashtme, individualizmi e divorcoi nga njeriun nga familja, nga komuniteti
dhe nga etnia; e divorcoi edhe nga besimi qe ka dicka me te larte se nevojat
materiale dhe ekonomike. "Tiranet" e monarkive apo sistemeve te tjera
tradicionale u zevendesuan nga tirani vertete i instinkitit te ulet vetjak, i
barkut dhe i gjenitaleve.
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Vjen nje moment qe njeriu veleritet nga ata tirane dhe kupton qe ai nuk ka
nevoje vetem per para dhe seks por per nje drejtim qe eshte me i larte se
drejtimi vetjak. Dhe nga nje bote materialiste dhe mekanike, ku universi eshte
vetem nje kuti e madhe materieje dhe nuk ka asgje me te larte se materja,
lindi fashizmi.
Fashizmi eshte nje filozofi anti-materialiste, anti-individualiste dhe anti-
kolektiviste. Kolektivizmi eshte vetem nje derivim i egalitarianizmit qe buron
nga individualizmi dhe ideja e tij e autoritetit eshte nje perversion i autoritetit
tradicional apo fashist. Te gjithe njerezit jane njesoj te ligj, njesoj te
korruptuar apo njesoj te korruptueshem, prandaj kane nevoje per nje autoritet
absolut qe i ndalon se shprehuri individualizmin e tyre, pasi cdo lloj
individualizmi eshte i lig. Fashizmi pranon tendencat individuale dhe kerkon t'i
perforcoje dhe t'i kanalizoje ne te miren e kombit.
Fashizmi si filozofi ka 3 parime. Parimi i bashkimit, parimi i autoritetit dhe
parimi i detyres. Keto parime jane te thjeshta. Nje grup njerezish qe
bashkepunon per te arritur dicka ia del mbane me lehte se nje individ i
vetem. Menyra me e mire per te bashkepunuar eshte pasja e nje hierarkie
stabile, ku ne maje qendron vetem nje njeri. Te gjithe pjesetaret e hierarkise
kane te drejta, por ama kane dhe detyra. Nese nuk i permbahen atyre,
hierarkia bie, efikasiteti bie, dhe qellimi nuk arrihet.
Fashizmi eshte idealist. Duke qene se njeriu ka nje Shpirt, duke u perpjekur te
tejkaloje monotonine e jetes materiale dhe te tejkaloje determinizmin e
ngjarjeve te brendshme dhe te jashtme ai arrin nje jete qe nuk i perket me
kesaj toke, por nje bote fantastike enderrash, idesh dhe besimi. Nje jete qe i
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jepet nevojave materiale eshte nje jete e cuar dem. Nese njeriu i jepet vetem
nevojave materiale, ai eshte edhe me i ulet se kafsha qe lufton per mbijetese.
Kafsha te pakten i nenshtrohet ligjeve te larta te natyres, por njeriu
materialist i nenshtrohet ligjeve absurde te ekonomise. Kafsha futet ne kafazin
e kopshtit zoologjik nga njerez qe e kapin te gjalle. Njeriu e nderton vete
kafazin e tij.
Fashizmi i jep dijenine per ekzistencen e nje rendi mbinatyror, e rilidh njeriun
me boten e Tradites, me Shpirtin e tij dhe me Hyjnoren. I thote qe paraja,
pushteti material, brutaliteti i konkurrences ekonomike, darvinizmi social i
kapitalizmit dhe utopite e komunizmit jane zota te rreme qe duhen injoruar
dhe hequr qafe.
Idealizmi fashist nuk eshte as nje tufe teorish abstrakte dhe te divorcuara nga
realiteti sic eshte liberalizmi i ketyre 10-20 viteve te fundit. Duke qene se
bota moderne eshte komplekse, eshte shume e veshtire qe te ringjallesh
menjehere principet e Tradites. Liberalet dhe komunistet thone qe fashizmi
eshte populist, por ne jemi populiste sepse nuk duam te jemi nje tufe
intelektualesh qe diskutojne maje kullash metaforike ari dhe fildishi dhe qe
jane komplet te ndare nga populli i thjeshte. Idealizmi e ka burimin ne keto
kulla, por nuk duhet te rrije ne keto kulla.
Lufta ndaj kapitalizmit dhe komunizmit, ndaj individualizmit dhe kolektivizmit,
fakti qe jeta ka dicka me shume se nevojat materiale dhe qe shpetimi qendron
tek dicka me e larte se materialja, nuk i perket vetem nje grupi te vogel
intelektualesh, por i perket te gjitheve.
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Fashizmi i thote njeriut qe kombi i tij, etnia e tij, perbehet nga vellezer dhe
motra, ne gjak dhe ne shpirt. Vellezer dhe motra qe kane te mira dhe te
keqija, deshira, enderra, frika etj, dhe i jep njeriut nje ndjesi pergjegjesie ndaj
ketyre vellezerve dhe motrave.
Pergjegjesia e pare eshte te informosh vellezerit dhe motrat e tua qe, sic
thame me lart, ka dicka me te larte se sa instinktet e uleta dhe nje sistemi i
tanishem kapitalist perfiton nga keto instinkte te uleta dhe i jep fuqi gati
absolute nje elite te vogel globalistesh te cileve nuk i behet vone per asgje
tjeter perpos vetes dhe qe projektojne te ligat e tyre mbi gjithe boten.
Pergjegjesia e dyte eshte te lesh pas mentalitetin e te jetuarit vetem per
momentin dhe e te menduarit per te ardhmen e komunitetit, kombit dhe
brezave te ardhshem; mentalitetin modern qe parafrazohet me thenien "oh, une
as nuk do jem gjalle. Pse duhet te mendoj se cfare do te ndodhe?"
Veme bast qe keto cka ju thame me lart nuk ua kane mesuar ne shkolle.
Arsyeja perse eshte sepse globalistet e lartepermendur e kane frike kete lloj
boteveshtrimi sepse ne momentin qe ky boteveshtrim perhapet, ata do te
humbin pushtetin qe kane.
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(English)
Ideas rule the world. A revolution is caused by the transition of an idea from
practice to theory. Despite what certain people may think or say, material
interests have never caused revolutions and never will. Revolutions stem from
the mind; from the very source of life and not from the material organism.
Every revolution has its foundation in a religion or a philosophy. This is a
truth which can be proven by merely looking at the course of human history.
Contrary to the useless theories of Marxists or the balderdash of Hollywood,
fascism is not "the last defense of capitalism", is not "merely" an economic
and socio-political system, and neither is it a tyranny which forces people to
be formless and without individuality (for the latter, we can give thanks to
Stalinist communism). Fascism is firstly a philosophy.
Despite what we said above about communist collectivism, we must also say
that individualism does not offer truth. Man is a social animal. He is not
raised or grown in a vacuum. He is partly a product of his environment and
the people that surround him, and imposes his will and existence of said
people and said environment. Just like a stone thrown on the surface of a lake
forms waves in the shape of concentric circles, who become weaker and
weaker the further from the center, the deeds of man, or the ills and goods
that fate gives him affect society. At first his family, then his community and
depending on the size of the deed, they also affect the city , country or the
world.
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The Renaissance, with its achievements in art and science, gave or re-gave
man the confidence in himself. But with this confidence came arrogance,
which gave man the idea that he is or should be independent by all and
every external authority. He made man forget that his individualism can only
be expressed when he is part of a greater whole. By divorcing man from
external authority, individualism divorced man from his family, from the
community and from his ethnicity; divorced man from the belief that there is
something higher than mere economic and material needs. The "tyrants" of the
monarchies or other old traditional systems were replaced by the real tyrants
of one's low instincts, of the belly and genitals.
There comes a moment when man does not want to be ruled by their tyranny
anymore, where he understands that he does not merely need money and sex,
but a direction higher than the personal one. And from a materialist and
mechanical world, where the universe is merely a big box of matter and there
is nothing higher than matter, fascism is born.
Fascism is an anti-materialist, anti-individualist and anti-collectivist
philosophy. Collectivism is merely a derivation of egalitarianism, who in turn
is derived from individualism; and collectivism's idea of authority is a
perversion of traditional and fascist authority. Everyone is evil, everyone is
corrupt, and thus man needs an absolute authority that forbids them from
expressing their own individuality because any type of individuality is evil.
Fascism on the other hand, accepts the individual tendencies and seeks to
improve them and to channel them for the good of the nation.
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Fascism as a philosophy has 3 principles; that of unity, of authority and of
duty. These principles are simple. A group of people working towards the
common goal can achieve it better than a single individual. The best way to
organize a group is a hierarchy with a sole leader. All members of said
hierarchy have rights, but they also have duties. If they do not adhere to the
duties, the hierarchy crumbles, efficiency falls and the goal is not achieved.
Fascism is idealistic. Seeing how man has a Soul, by attempting to transcend
the monotony of material life and to transcend the determinism of internal and
external events, he reaches a life that does not belong to this world anymore,
but a fantastical supernatural world of dreams, ideas and belief. If man gives
himself only to his material needs, he is lower than an animal. An animal
obeys to the laws of nature, materialist man obeys to the absurd laws of the
economy. The animal is put in the cage of a zoo due to humans, but a
materialist man builds his own cage.
Fascism makes man aware of a supernatural order, he reconnects man to the
world of Tradition, with his Spirit and with the Divine. It tells him that
money, material power, the brutality of economic competition, the social
Darwinism of capitalism and the utopias of communism are false gods that
must be ignored or destroyed.
Fascist idealism is not a bunch of abstract theories divorced from reality like
the liberalism of the last 10-20 years. Seeing how the modern world is
complex, it is difficult to immediately revive the principles of Tradition.
Liberals and communists say that fascism is populistic, but we are populist
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because we do not want to be intellectuals who discuss ideas in their ivory
towers, separated by the simple people. Idealism has its source in these
towers, but must not stay in there.
The war against capitalism and communism, against individualism and
collectivism, the fact that life has something higher than the material needs
and that salvation stems from something higher than the material, does not
belong only to a small group of intellectuals, but to all.
Fascism tells man that his nation, his ethnicity, is composed of brothers and
sisters in blood and spirit. They have their strengths, flaws, desires, dreams,
fears etc. and gives man a sense of responsibility for them.
The first responsibility is to inform them, as we said before, that there is
something higher than the lower instincts and that the contemporary capitalist
system profits from these instincts and gives nigh absolute power to a small
elite of globalists whom care for nothing else except themselves and their
material needs and project the evils of their souls onto humanity. The second
responsibility is to leave behind the mentality of living for the moment and to
assume the mentality of living for the future of the community, nation and
future generations; the modern mentality can be paraphrased with the
expression "oh, i won't even be alive. Why think of the future?"
We bet this wasn't taught to you at school. The reason why is because the
aforementioned globalists fear this worldview because in the moment it is
spread far and wide, they will lose their power.
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[Fashizmi ne shoqeri – Fascism in society]
PJESA E DYTE – PART TWO
e fashizem, njeriu ka pergjegjesi: pergjegjesi ndaj shpirtit te tij, qe e
therret per vepra dhe vendime me te larta se vetja, ndaj vellait te tij
etnik, i cili eshte bere skllav i deshirave te tij materiale dhe pergjegjesi
ndaj kombit, i cili nuk kerkon gjenerata te reja qe duan vetem te mbushin
barkun dhe xhepat por duan te permbushin nevojat e atdheut.
Asnje nuk eshte i debuar ne sistemin shoqeror fashist, askush nuk eshte i
pavlere (edhe pse cdokush ka vlera te ndryshme, dicka qe ne e themi me goje,
ndersa sistemet e tjera e pranojne ne tru, por me goje predikojne barazine); le
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te thone cfare te duan genjeshtrat komunisto-hollywoodiane. Nje kundershtim
tjeter ndaj vlerave shoqerore te fashizmit eshte qe demek fashizmi qenka
kunder lirise. Jo, fashizmi ka nje koncept tjeter te lirise. Nderkohe qe liria
eshte qellimi i jetes moderniste, dhe perfshin ketu vetem lirine per te bere
cfare te duash pavaresisht se sa demton veten dhe te tjeret, ne fashizem liria
eshte te mos qenit skllav i instinktit te ulet dhe si e tille eshte nje mjet per
te arritur maja me te larta, si ne kete bote, ashtu edhe ne tjetren. Nese do te
kesh nje shoqeri etike, limitet ndaj lirise materiale jane te vetekuptueshme.
Kaq per lirine. Tani le te analizojme demokracine. Demokracia eshte nje
kontradiksion. Nga nje ane presupozon barazine e gjithe njerezve, nga ana
tjeter deshiron qe shumica te zgjedhe liderin e tyre. Epo qe te vesh dike lider
do te thote qe ti pranon, edhe pse heshtazi, superioritetin e ketij individi ndaj
vetes tende dhe ndaj shumices, pra pranon heshtazi inferioritetin vetjak. Epo si
mund te dalloje inferiori ate cka eshte superiore nga ate cka vetem duket
superiore? Demokracia eshte nje besim absolut dhe naiv tek dituria e njeriut
te rendomte. Kemi genjyer veten qe nese njeriut te zakonshem i jepen mjaft te
mira materiale dhe mjaft shkollim, ai do te behet i mencur dhe do te dije se
c'eshte me e mire per veten dhe per tjetrin. Jetojme ne nje epoke bolleku te
tejskajshem dhe ne nje moment kur gjithe dija e botes ndodhet ne aparate jo
me te medha se pellemba e dores qe i kemi te gjithe. Keto nuk kane sjelle
ndonje ndryshim ne mencurine e njeriut te zakonshem; ne fakt disa thone qe e
kane bere me keq.
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Fashizmi pranon te verteten. Nderkohe qe cdo njeri ka aftesi te permiresoje
vetveten, cdo njeri ka lindur ne 'pikenisje' te ndryshme si ne virtyte ashtu
edhe ne vese, dhe kapaciteti i tij per te arritur nje stad me te larte ka diku
nje limit, dhe limitet ndryshojne sipas njeriut. Fashizmi ka si qellim kryesor te
rrise mireqenien shpirterore dhe materiale te njeriut, por jo per arsye
kuantitative, jo qe te krijoje ndonje lloj utopie ne te ardhmen. Utopine ua leme
prifterinjve te fese komuniste. Duke pranuar qe disa prej nesh jane punetore
nga natyra, te tjere intelektuale, te tjere artiste, te tjere luftetare, te tjere
fermere etj, fashizmi i ben keta te arrijne potencialin e tyre maksimal dhe
keta e shohin veten si sherbyes te kombit. Keshtu krijohet nje cikel feedback-u
pozitiv ku njeriu i sherben kombit dhe kombi i sherben njeriut.
Fashizmi nuk eshte sinonim me diktaturen apo tiranine. Rendi autoritarian
eshte vetem nje faze fillestare, e nevojshme per t'i vene gjerat ne vije; pervec
kesaj, cdo etni ka shpirtin, gjenetiken, historine dhe gjeografine vetjake. Nje
komb eshte parimisht nje etni me karakteristikat vetjake dhe ka nevoje per
sistem vetjak, pra nje sistem qe vlen per shqiptarin nuk vlen
domosdoshmerisht per psh. irlandezin. Ajo qe quhet diktature eshte nje
perpjekje e fashizmit per te kthyer besimin e njeriut tek shteti i tij, shtetin qe
demokracia dhe komunizmi e kane kthyer ne nje makth dhe demon per njeriun
e zakonshem. Shteti duhet te jete shprehi e shpirtit te kombit dhe jo nga
pikepamja materiale si psh ne organizimin politik dhe ekonomik, por edhe ne
organizimin fetar dhe etik.
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Shteti fashist deshiron te minimizoje kundershtimet mes individit dhe shtetit.
Per me teper, nuk i konceptojme klasat si armiq te natyrshem - ashtu sic e
ben komunizmi - por si pjese qe bashkepunojne per zhvillimin ekonomik te
kombit. Lufta mes klasave eshte nje lufte e rreme qe duhet ndaluar.
Uniteti dhe disiplina jane karakteristika te shtetit fashist, dhe jo burokracia e
kote. Qeveria fashiste nuk perbehet nga politikane dhe avokate, pervec nje
minorance te nevojshme, por nga shkencetare dhe eksperte te aspekteve te
ndryshme te jetes.
Ne te ardhmen, shoqeria do te riorganizohet ne kasta. Keto kasta nuk do te
jene arbitrare, por organike; nje kaste eshte 'vendi' ku 'mblidhen' njerez qe
kane te njejtin profesion, interes dhe shpirt. Kastat Tradicionale jane
prifterinjte-intelektualet, luftetaret, fermeret-tregetaret-biznesmenet dhe
punetore. Sidoqofte, rikthimi i kastave do te jete dicka graduale. Si fillim
duhen hequr helmet e demokracise dhe komunizmit.
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(English)
In fascism, man has responsibility: towards his Soul, which calls him to deeds
and decisions greater than himself, towards his ethnic brother, who is a slave
to material desires and he also has responsibility towards the nation, who
does not require new generations which only want to fill their belly and
pockets, but want to fulfill the needs of the nation.
No one is an outcast in the fascist social system, no one is worthless
(although everyone has a different worth from another, something which we
openly admit, while other systems admit it in their heart, but openly preach
equality); let the communists and Hollywood lie about it however they damn
please. Another argument against the social values preached by fascism is that
we are allegedly against freedom. We merely have a different concept of
freedom. While freedom has become the goal of modern life, and in here
freedom to do whatever one pleases regardless of how much you damage
yourself and others; in fascism freedom means not to be a slave to the lower
instinct and as such, freedom is a tool to reach higher peaks, in this world
and in the next. If you want to have an ethical society, you need to impose
limits on materialism and the materialist conception of freedom.
This much about freedom. Let us no analyze democracy. Democracy is a
paradox. On one hand, it presupposes equality among men, on the other hand
it requires the multitude to choose their leader. But to admit someone as a
leader, you implicitly accept that he is superior to you and to the multitude,
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and you implicitly admit your own inferiority. But how can the inferior
discern between what is truly superior and what seems superior? Democracy
is an having an absolute and naive faith in the wisdom of the average person.
We have lied to ourselves that if we gave the average person enough material
goods and enough schooling, he will become wise and will know what is best
for himself and for the world. We live in an era of extreme abundance and in
an era where all the knowledge of the world is stored in machines no bigger
than our palms, easily accessible to us. These have not brought any change in
the wisdom of the average person,; in fact some would say that they have
made him worse.
Fascism accepts the truth. While every one is capable of self-improvement,
people are born at different starting points in virtues and in vices and the
potential to reach higher states has a different limit from person to person.
Fascism's goal is to increase the spiritual and material welfare of man, but
not for quantitative reasons, not to create some special utopia in a far flug
future. We leave the talk of utopias to the priests of the mysterious
communist religion. By admitting that some of us are workers by nature, some
are intellectuals, others are artists, warriors, farmers etc., fascism pushed
these people to fulfill their potential and these people see themselves as
servants of the nation. Thus a cycle of positive feedback is created where
man serves his nation and the nation serves man.
Fascism is not a synonym with dictatorship and tyranny. The authoritarian
order is only an initial phase, needed to put things in order; besides, each
ethnic group has its own spirit, genetics, history and geography. A nation is
in principle a people with its own characteristics and thus requires a unique
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system of governance, meaning that a system that works for the Albanian
does not work for, say, the Irishman. What others call a dictatorship is an
attempt of fascism to bring man faith in the state, the state which democracy
and communism have made into a nightmarish demon for the average person.
The state must be an expression of the spirit of the nation and not from a
material perspective solely, like in the political and economic organization, but
also in the religious and ethical organization.
The fascist state wants to minimize the contradictions between individual and
state. Furthermore, the classes are not perceived as natural enemies - like in
the ideology of communism - but as different parts which cooperate for the
economic development of the nation. The war between classes is a false war
which must be stopped.
Unity and discipline are characteristics of the fascist state, and not needless
bureaucracy. The fascist government is not composed of politicians and
lawyers, aside from a needed minority of such, but from scientists and experts
of the different aspects of life.
In the future, society will be reorganized in castes. These castes will not be
arbitrary, but organic; a caste is the 'place' where people sharing a vocation,
interest and spirit 'gather'. The Traditional castes are the priests-intellectuals,
the warriors, the farmers-merchants-businessmen and the workers. However,
the return of the caste system should be something gradual. At first, one must
remove the poisons of democracy and communism.
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[Fashizmi ne ekonomi – Fascism in economics]
PJESA E TRETE – PART THREE
jeriu nuk eshte vetem ekonomik. Njeriu eshte i shumefaqshem; politikan,
ekonomist, luftetar, shenjtor ne te njejten kohe. Fashizmi si sistem
ekonomik eshte armik i doktrinave ekonomike te kapitalizmit dhe
komunizmit. Aspekti ekonomik i njeriut nuk mund te ndahet teresisht nga
aspektet e tjera, perfshire ketu dhe aspektin shpirteror. Njeriu nuk eshte vetem
nje pjese aksionesh qe te tregetohet sa andej sa kendej nga elitat ekonomike.
Jeta ekonomike e njeriut influencohet nga faktore idealiste - ata per te cilet
folem ne pjeset e kaluara. Kete idealizem kapitalizmi dhe komunizmi e
abuzojne me se miri; keto sisteme i japin njeriut vetem iluzionin qe ai po
punon per kombin (dicka qe kapitalizmi po e ben gjithnje e me pak).
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Progresi i vertete ekonomik mund te shkaktohet vetem nese nje numer
individesh, te cilet jane me shume te dhene pas ekonomise se te tjere,
sakrifikojne interesat vetjake per te miren e kombit. Interesat ekonomike nuk
mund t'i lihen ne dore interesave arbitrare te individeve. Eshte cmenduri t'i
lesh ekonomine ne dore individeve qe nuk u behet vone per te miren e kombit,
aq me pak individeve qe nuk jane pjese e kombit dhe nuk ndejne asnje lloj
lidhjeje me kombin ku kane cuar megakorporaten per nje arsye apo tjetren.
Pasuria e komunitetit eshte dicka e paprekshme dhe nuk mund te barazohet
me shumen e pasurive te nje numri te vogel individesh. Qellimi i shtetit
fashist ne ekonomi eshte te mbikeqyre dhe te arbitroje maredheniet mes
punedhenesve dhe punetoreve, kapitalit dhe punes, interesave private dhe
interesave kombetare. Kjo nuk do te thote qe fashizmi eshte pro centralizimit
total. Nese e majta ekstreme eshte centralizimi total dhe e djathta ekstreme
eshte tregu totalisht i lire, fashizmi eshte diku ne qender. Sic thame ne pjesen
e kaluar, lufta e klasave duhet ndaluar. Nuk ka "punetore, bashkohuni dhe
hidhni borgjezet" e as "borgjeze, bashkohuni e tregojuni vendin punetoreve".
Ka vetem "Punetore e borgjeze! Jeni te gjithe shqiptare dhe e keni pergjegjesi
te ndihmoni njeri tjetrin.". Per te mos permendur ketu qe lufta e klasave nuk
promovohet nga punetoret per te "thyer zinxhiret e borgjezise", por nga
elemente te caktuar te borgjezise dhe klases se siperme ekonomike te cilet
duan te qendrojne ne majen e nje hierarkie ekonomike statike dhe duan te
heqin qafe konkurrencen.
E majta shpesh perdor unionet dhe sindikatat per interesat e tyre subversive.
Duke i organizuar dhe ndare punetoret sipas industrive te tyre, ata luftojne me
dhembe kunder sindikatave te tjera dhe kunder shtetit per te mbrojtur
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interesat materiale te anetareve te tyre. Por ne krye te ketyre sindikatave
rrallehere eshte punetori, dhe shume shpesh eshte pseudointelektuali i klases se
mesme, i cili e kthen punetorin ne ushtarin e tij privat. Fashizmi e korrigjon
kete duke i zmadhuar sindikatat dhe duke i barazuar interesat e punetoreve
me interesat e kombit.
Punedhenesi "borgjez" nuk shihet ketu si armik, por si pjese e shtetit i cili ka
nje rol te caktuar; ne fashizem bizensmeni dhe punetori jane te dy nen
mburojen e shtetit. Interesat e klasave te ndryshme disiplinohen nga shteti.
Fashizmi duhet pare si dicka qe kerkon ta transformoje ekonomine dhe
menyren si e shohim ate; per ne jeta e mire materiale eshte vetem nje shkalle
ngjitese ne nje jete me te mire shpirterore. Ekonomia eshte nje vegel, jo nje
qellim.
Qellimi yne ndryshon nga qellimi komunist, pasi ky i fundit kerkon qe cdo
njeri te kete nje pjese te barabarte te burimeve dhe ndryshon nga qellimi
kapitalist, qe i thote njeriut te marre cfare te munde per vete dhe te harroje
te tjeret. Te mendosh qe njeriu eshte i lumtur per sa kohe mbush barkun eshte
ta reduktosh ekzistencen e njeriut ne nje stad vegjetativ.
Ideali i ekonomise fashiste eshte autarkia dhe pavaresia nga sistemi bankar
internacional. Ne realitet, autarkia mund te mos jete e mundur per shume
shtete, qe jane ose shume te vogla, ose shume te varfra ne burime. Tregeti do
te kete, por jo ne nivele aq te tejskajshme sa ne boten e sotme te globalizuar;
federata ekonomike mund te kete, por jo ne nivel aq mbytes dhe elitist sa
Bashkimi Evropian i diteve te sotme. Ekonomia me kilometrazh te ulet, pra
blerja e produkteve lokale duhet promovuar patjeter. Pervec benefiteve
ekonomike, kjo ka dhe avantazhe kulturore ashtu si ekologjike.
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(English)
Man is not a purely economic being. Man is multifaceted; he is a politician,
economist, warrior and saint at the same time. Fascism as an economic system
is an enemy of the economic doctrines of capitalism and communism. The
economic aspect of man cannot be completely divided from his other aspects,
including the spiritual one. Man is not merely a share in a stock that can be
traded just like that from the economic elites. The economic life of man is
influenced by idealistic factors - the ones which we spoke of in the previous
parts. This idealism is unfortunately masterfully abused by capitalism and
communism; these systems give man only the impression that he is working
for the nation (and capitalism is slowly even ceasing to do even that).
True economic progress can be only caused if a number of individuals who
are more economy-oriented, sacrifice their own personal interests for the good
of the nation. Economic interests can't be allowed to fall into the hands of
individuals that do not care for the good of the nation, less so to individuals
that are not part of the nations and have no attachment to the nation where
they have offshored their megacorp to for whatever reason.
The wealth of the community is intangible and cannot be equalized with the
sum of the wealth owned by a small number of individuals. The purpose of
the fascist state is to supervise and arbitrate the relationship between
employer and employee, capital and labor, private and national interests. This
does not mean that fascism is for complete centralization. If the extreme
economic left promotes complete centralization and the economic far right
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promotes an utterly free market, fascism is somewhere in the middle. As we
said in the previous part, class war is a false war. There is no "workers unite
and overthrow the bourgeoise!" or "bourgeoise, unite and show the workers
their place". There is only "workers and bourgeoise! You are all Albanians and
it is your responsibility to help one-another." Not to mention that class war is
not promoted by the workers to "break off from the chains of the bourgeoise",
but from certain elements of this very bourgeoise and upper class who want
to be at the top of a static economic hierarchy and want to be rid of their
competition.
The left uses unions and syndicates for their own subversive interests. By
organizing and dividing the workers according to their industries, they fight
tooth and nail against other syndicates and against the state to protect the
material interests of their members. But at the top of these syndicates you
very rarely have workers; most often you have middle class
pseudointellectuals who transform the working class in their own private
army. Fascism corrects syndicalism and puts into the right path: they equate
the interests of the proletariat with the interest of the nation.
The "bourgeoise" employer is not seen as an enemy, but as part of the nation
who has a role to play; in fascism the businessman and worker are both
under the protection of the state. The interests of the different classes are
disciplined by the state. Fascism must be seen as something that seeks to
transform how we see the economy; to it, material life is only a stepping
stone towards a spiritual welfare. Economy is a tool, not a purpose.
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Our goal differs from the communist goal, because communism seeks that
every man get an equal share of the resources and it differs from the
capitalist goal, who tells man to take what he can and forget about the
others. To think that man can only be happy as long as he fills the belly is to
reduce the existence of man to a vegetative state.
The ideal of a fascist economy is autarchy and independence from the
international banking system. In reality, autarchy cannot be reached by
certain nations due to being either too small or too poor in recourses. There
will always be trade, but not to the level of modern, globalized society; there
will be economic federations, but not at such a major and suffocating and
elitist level such as the EU. "0 kilometer economy", a.k.a. the purchase of local
produce must be inevitably promoted. Aside from economic advantages, this
also has cultural and ecological advantages.