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DOMESTIC WORK, JOY OR PAIN? PROBLEMS AND SOLUTION OF THE WORKERS

Author(s): Mary P. ClarkeSource: Social and Economic Studies, Vol. 51, No. 4, Vulnerability and Coping Strategies(DECEMBER 2002), pp. 153-179Published by: Sir Arthur Lewis Institute of Social and Economic Studies, University of the West IndiesStable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/27865306 .

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Social and Economic Studies 51:4 (2002) ISSN: 037-7651

DOMESTIC WORK, JDY OR PAIN?PROBLEMS AND SOLUTION OF THEWORKERSMary P. Clarke

ABSTRACTThe study examined thestandard of living and coping strategies ofdomesticworkers. Itfound that theyarefaced with many difficulties todo withtermsand conditions of employment, cost of living, housing, transportation and relationships bothpersonal and at theworkplace. In spite of thedifficultiesonly twoof the twenty-three ho participated in thefocus groupdiscussions, were taking any action to improve themselves strategically.One was doing evening classes and theotherhoping tojoin her husband intheUnited States. The workers were, however, quite creative and ingenious in adapting and developing survival strategies which includedprioritization in use of unds, saving, depending on social network, andreligion.

They recommended several measures which would improve theirstandard of living such as an increase in theminimum wage (to about 4timeswhat itwas at the timeofdiscussion) and theprovision ofaffordablehousing solutions.

IntroductionDomestic workers comprise one of the most vulnerable andmarginalised groups inJamaica and perhaps in theCaribbean. Theirwork tends tobe undervalued and unrecognized in spite of the factthat their labour is strongly linked to levels of productivity. Theirhard work in caring forchildren and looking after household tasksallows other categories ofworkers to contribute more directly tonational development. Yet, in spite of their valuable contribution,data from the Jamaica Survey of Living Conditions (JSLC), 1997indicated that 26.7% of theirmembers live in poverty and 48.3%were still using pit latrines. Toilet use is an important indicator ofthe welfare of the entire household. These women fall in the153-179

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154 SOCIALAND ECONOMIC STUDIES

category of workers whose employment is regulated by a minimum wage out of which they have to pay forhousing, grocery,clothing, transportation, schooling, health care and utilities.This study sought toprobe more deeply into their living conditions, terms and conditions of employment and coping strategies.Other studies have been done on domestic workers but this is thefirstwhich uses a qualitative methodology which serves tobring tolife their plight as it presents their own views and expressions,reflecting the emotion and psychological impact of poverty.The information gained from the studywill assist policy makers todetermine their socio-economic status, priorities in spending,survival strategies, and extra income-generating activities. It shouldbe useful inguiding policy and programme development on strategies for improving the socio-economic and working conditions ofthe poor and to improve targeting of those inpoverty.

Domestic WorkersDomestic workers are those who work inhouseholds with familiesor individuals and perform awide range ofhousehold tasks such ascleaning, cooking, washing, and care of children and the elderly.Domestic workers in Jamaica are comprised of three maincategories. These are the:i. The residential worker who lives on the premises and may gohome onweekends or as the agreement with the employer dictates (once or twice per month, etc). These, usually referred toas the 'live-in' helpers, very often are from rural Jamaica andare a part of the rural urban drift in search of employment.ii. The non-residential weekly employed worker who commuteson a daily basis who chooses not to live on orwho may not beable to live on because she has her own family. More oftenthannot she lives in rented premises orwith relatives or friends.iii. The worker who works on a daily basis and isknown as a 'day'sworker'. She may live inher own or rented premises and mayhave as many employers as days in theweek. These are usu

ally employed to do additional work in the home along withthe live-in helper or to do specific tasks such as the cleaning,washing, laundry, etc. forpersons not requiring (i) or (ii) above.


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Domestic Work, Joy or Pain 155

Itwas very difficult to obtain a definite figure as to thenumberofworkers in the domestic services. There is no-one place wherethey are registered as in the case with the security guards and because some of them constantly change occupations even a registrycould not be totally accurate at any given time. An InternationalLabour Organization (ILO) study on domestic workers in the Caribbean gives the estimate as being 30,000 (ILO, 1997:19). Andersongives the figure of approximately 51,400 employed and 25,900unemployed (Anderson, 1991:19).

Many of these workers are unskilled with a very low level ofeducational attainment. They are a part of the 23% of the employedfemale labour forcewhich isunskilled. Data for2000 indicated thatof the total employed labour force females accounted for 40.8%(ESSJ, 000).LITERATURE SURVEYTheMinimum WageThe Minimum Wage Law of 1938 gave theMinister the right to fixminimum wages for any occupation in the island to be confirmedby theHouse ofRepresentatives. It stated thatno employee shouldbe paid less than that prescribed by the law forworkers in tradessuch as baking, catering, dry goods, laundry, printing, dry cleaningand retailing of petrol. Subsequently different orders were madestating wages for each particular trade. The National Minimum

Wage Amendment Order of 1975 included household workers inthe category ofminimum wage earners. For the first time the orderfixed an eight hour day and a fortyhour week as the normal workingday and week respectively.The Act also authorized the establishment of aMinimum Wage

Advisory Commission to:a. Consider and advise theMinister on all matters relating tonational minimum wages and any other minimum wageswhich may be fixed under thisAct;b. Obtain and record information in relation towages and otherremuneration, terms and conditions of work and all other factors affecting the circumstances of employment and remuneration of the various categories of workers. This information is


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to be kept and be used to inform decision-making on anyreview of theminimum wage. (At the time of writing theminimum wage is being reviewed and a new wage is to beannounced in2002)c. Keep under review all minimum wages fixed by theMinisterand the terms and conditions in relation thereto, and tomakerecommendations to theMinister as to any variation thereof.Failure to comply

with the Act makes the employer liable tosummary conviction before a Resident Magistrate and in respect ofeach offence to a penalty not exceeding one hundred dollars and toan additional penalty not exceeding twenty dollars for each day onwhich the offence "continues after the conviction."1

The Amendment Order also provided for a rest day for eachworker (other than an hourly worker) and thisday would be "determined by agreement between thatworker and his employer". Thewage for domestic workers was set at $20 per week and was modified in1978 to$24,$26.40 in1979, 30 in 1980and $40 in1985. In1985 itwas decided to adopt only twominimum wages instead ofthemany different categories specified in the years before, forexample pump attendants and hotel trade, garment and bakery workers in addition tohousehold/domestic workers. The two categorieswere: household workers and general workers outside the households.

As of January 7,1985 theminimum wage forhousehold weeklyemployed workers was $52 per week forwork done for 40 hours.

Wages for extra hours (up to a maximum of 44 hours per week)were also .specified to amaximum of $57.20 with $1.95 per week perhour being granted for overtime work.For hourly paid household workers, the rates started at aminimum of $1.30 per hour forwork done during a period not exceeding eight hours on any day other than public holidays and amaximum of $2.60 per hour forwork done by those workers during anyperiod on a public holiday.In 1992, a National Minimum Wage Amendment Orderbrought into effect a new single National Minimum Wage of $7.50

1 National Minimum Wage Act 7-11 ? Laws of Jamaica, Vol. #6.


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Domestic Work, Joyor Pain 157

per hour with time and a half for overtime and $15 per hour doubletime forSunday and public holidays. This was increased in 1994 to$500 per week or $12.50 per hour forall category ofworkers. Itwasadjusted inJune 1996 to$800 perweek effective July 1,with an hourlyrate of $20. In 1998 theminimum wage fordomestic helpers was setat $1 200 per week and $30 per hour.The Minimum Wage Branch of theMinistry of Labour, SocialSecurity and Sport was set up to administer theMinimum WageAct. Complaints of breaches of theAct are received in the Branchand dealt with by Labour Officers who are selected and trained forthat purpose.The full-time domestic worker is entitled to at least twoweekspaid vacation leave per year by theHoliday with Pay Law of 1973.She is also entitled to a maternity allowance equivalent to thenational minimum wage in force, foreightweeks. This ispaid fromthe NIS Funds if she satisfies the relevant contribution of theNational Insurance Scheme.

Although theMinimum Wage Act regulates thewages andhours ofwork of the domestic worker (40hours per week or 44 hoursby agreement), research has shown long and unregulated hours tobe one of the problems of the domestic helper (Anderson, 1991:36).Conditions of employment are set by agreement between theparties with no written contract. The ILO study found that in theCaribbean the private and peculiar nature of the employment results in lowwages, excessive hours ofwork with no extra pay, overwork, lack of benefits, unfair termination of employment, employerabuse and non-enforcement of legislation.The only representation which these workers have for advocacy, etc. is the Jamaica Household Workers Association (JHWA)which is a non-governmental, non-partisan, voluntary organizationestablished in 1990 to represent the needs of the household workers. Thus for the first time in Jamaica this sector of workers cametogether for their empowerment and advancement. Itsmotto is"Respect, Equality and Dignity."2

2 Jamaica Household Workers Association (Brochure), Bureau ofWomen's Affairs(BWA), 1997


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The JHWA over the years has brought to the attention ofGovernment and thepublic the concerns ofhousehold workers. Theyhave lobbied for increases in the minimum wage, established a"Helpline" to assist household workers in crisis, and referred unresolved employer/employee and disputes to theMinistry of Labour,Social Security and Sport (MLSSS). In addition, they offer programmes in skills training and counselling.

Andaiye made a connection between unwaged work and thework of a domestic worker, and pointed out that thehousewife doesdomestic work out of love, obligation and necessity, forherself,familymembers, neighbours or friends and not for a wage, whilethe domestic worker does her work fora stranger/employer and forawage (Andaiye, 1997). The fact that domestic work done "for love"is invisible, unvalued and uncounted has resulted indomestic workfor pay being barely visible, undervalued, undercounted andunderwaged.Domestic helpers undertake a number of tasks which are aptlydescribed by Thorburn. "In her role as general caregiver and housekeeper, a household worker protects the home and all its possessions while we are atwork. She raises our children, and cares forour elderly relatives. She cooks our food, and is responsible inmanyways for thewholeness of our nourishment." Thorburn listed othertasks which domestic workers have todo which they consider "unclean" such as yard work, cleaning shoes, cleaning dogs' mess andeven cooking dog food and flushing their employers' toilet after itsuse (Thorburn, 1996:1).There is also amarked difference between thework given to afull-time (live-in orweekly) worker and thatgiven to a days worker.Anderson (1991:18) found that the latter ishired mainly for specialized tasks such as laundering and cleaning. These may be the onlyworkers in a household ormay be hired to assist the live-in orweeklyworker with some of the chores. Board and lodging are providedfor the live inhelper and the ILO study found that thiswas determined by the needs of the employer and worker (1970:396). Workers, especially those from rural areas, need accommodation and maynot want the responsibility to pay rent or be alone when they areaway from friends, relatives and familiar environment. The days'


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Domestic Work, Joy or Pain 159worker may ormay not be provided with meals depending on theterms of agreement with employers.Relationships at theWorkplaceAnderson (1991) emphasized the bonding which was necessary fora successful relationship between domestic helper and employer andhighlighted the energy which was used in its creation. She pointedout that the relationship was predominantly one between womenand one which gave the powerless female (wife,mother) a sense ofpower and was dependent on the attitude of the helper which wasexpected to be pleasant, cheerful, and ingratiating. The helper hastobe "supportive, but not competitive" while thehelper on the otherhand, expects respect and fairness from the employers. (Anderson,1991:26)In spite of the efforts by an employer to establish a good relationship with her domestic worker she stillmaintained a distance inthe relationship as is endorsed by how she addresses thehelper andthe restrictions she has for the use of facilities. She found that employers maintained this social distance and dominance throughforms of address, clothing, separation of activities, use of separateutensils and entry areas and bathrooms.Only 13%of thesample reported aving problems related tosexual relations, and sexual advances bymale members of thehousehold. Lawrence (1995) inher unpublished study of the relationshipbetween domestic helpers and their employers inJamaica found thatmost helpers regarded female employers as friends ? someone theycould sit and talk and share a joke with. Relationship with maleemployers was oftenmore distant and she reported no evidence ofsexual harassment.Coping StrategiesDomestic workers have to findways to cope with themany problemswith which they are faced, one ofwhich, as with professionalwomen, is that of finding the right balance between career andfamily life. Most are forced to leave their children at home or tomake alternative arrangements for their care. Husbands orpartners are often called on to help with child care and only rarely


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will an employer allow the child of an employee to live in the household (Lawrence 1995:74).Researchers have found that helpers supplement their earningswith gifts from employers either on a regular basis or on special occasions. "Employers bring gifts back from vacation or takehelpers out todinner fortheirbirthdays" (Lawrence, 1995:77). Brownand Rattray in an unpublished study (1987:23) found that soonwomen were using several coping strategies such as working morethan one job; long hours; expanding activities in the informalsectors as vendors; and reliance on a caring network of family andneighbours for childcare, child-rearing and food supplementation.Lower income women participate in informal saving schemesculturally known as "partner" inwhich women save an agreed sumeach week and share the jackpot on a revolving basis. (PIOJ/UNICEF,1995:152). This saving method allows women large sums ofmoneytomeet specific needs such as school fees or the purchase of books,furniture or appliances.Powell et al. (1982:2)12 though not referring specifically todomestic workers identified social networks whereby "women" ofrural origin were strongly connected to kin relations and participated intensely in formal relations with friends and neighbours, thusreceiving support which may be supportive, emotional ormaterial.

Brown et al. (1987) also found thatwomen relyheavily onmalepartners fornot only emotional but also material support. She alsoincluded "networks of kin and neighbours" who are involved in"sharing food,meeting mutual childcare needs, loaning money, providing informal credit arrangements" as sharing networks used by

women.The World Bank sponsored research intoViolence and Urban

Poverty in Jamaica (1997:26) identified social capital as the "relationships, networks and institutions based on trust that linkindividuals within a community and facilitate coordination andcooperation formutual benefit" and as "resources which help theurban poor in Jamaica cope with economic crisis" (1997:26). Theseinclude "the rotating credit schemes that allow micro-enterprises toraise capital for their small business and the sharing of childcareand cooking responsibilities by friends and neighbours".


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MethodologyThe in-depth personal information needed for this study made thequalitative approach more appropriate and so discussions wereundertaken with a total of 23 domestic workers in three focus groupswhich took place between May 30 and June 13,1999, at theUniversity of theWest Indies (UWI). In addition, two in-depth case studieswere done on the lifehistory of theparticipants who volunteeredfor the interviews thus providing a deeper and more detailedaccount of the life experiences and coping strategies of domesticworkers. Discussions were centred around four thematic areas:1. Main economic problems (personal, living);2. Main social problems (workplace, work-related, spousal, hous

ing, etc.);3. Means of enhancing income (cash, non-cash, kinship); and4. Coping with problems identified (related).Limited funds and time for the study made it impossible togo

out of the vicinity ofKingston and St. Andrew.Selection of participants was based on awillingness toparticipate after house tohouse contact with domestic workers in the environs ofUWI were made. These environs were chosen because oftheir proximity toUWI where the discussions were held. The lattervenue was chosen because its location isgenerally known. The participants were provided with an allowance bearing inmind theirtransportation costs and the time they spent in discussions. Theintention was tohave four groups comprising of:

(1) single day's workers;(2) weekly workers in common law or visiting relationships;(3) weekly or day's workers who aremarried; and(4) weekly workers who are single.Itwas only possible tohave three focus groups as itwas verydifficult for the research assistant to find reliable workers who would

keep their appointments forparticipation in the group discussionand on more than one occasion the discussion had to be rescheduled. Thus, the intention of having groups according to categoryand union status was defeated. The discussions were highly participatory with respondents sharing and responding to each otherguided by themoderator whose aim itwas to elicit information ontheir conditions of employment and coping strategies.


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Participants were representative of the threeunion types:married, common-law, and visiting. Number of dependents varied fromnone to five and the age range of offspringswas between fivemonthsand thirty-one years. The participants all worked in theCorporateArea and more specifically in theKingston 6,7 and 8 areas althoughmany were from inner-city areas or from rural parishes. Workersrepresented the three categories of employees already mentioned.FindingsProblemsAlthough most workers were earning above theminimum wage andup to $3,000 per week theywere experiencing economic problemsrelated to the cost of living. Those with children of school age foundthe school-related costs burdensome, especially in light of the factthat only few reported receiving any help from the father of theirchildren. Where support was received itwas on an irregular basis."Mine give me one, two or three thousand dollars, then another year

I don't see him".Rental, public utility bills (water, light and telephone), trans

portation costs and food were reported to be exorbitant with onehelper reportedly having topay $1,200 permonth rental and havingto share with her landlady utility costs of $750 and $900 per monthforwater and light, respectively.All, with the exception of the live-in helpers, found rental extremely high. There were complaints not only of high rental butalso of high risk areas, criminal activities, and houses inpoor conditions which they could not even ask to be repaired because if theydared to ask for any repairs the costs would be reflected in an increase in the rental.

"You complainand theyix thehouse.They increase therent".In one group discussion nothing was known about the operations of the National Housing Trust although they had heard the

name. Others referred to the fact that the low-income houses of theTrust were farout of their reach. With a feeling of hopelessness inher voice one helper reported that


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"Yuh pay housing trustforyears andget no help rom it".There were loud and emphatic expressions of the problemsrelated to transportation. These included thehigh costs such as $40

per day which could hardly be afforded and irregular schedules.Some helpers were forced touse taxis to get towork on time but atmuch higher costs. In addition, having to take thepublic transportation posed other hazards such as having to deal with pick-pocketsand other criminals. The live-in helpers from rural Jamaica also facedvery high transportation costs. Visiting home and family for onceor twice per month could mean up to $400 ormore per trip ($500 to

Westmoreland).There were reports of numerous problems related to socialconditions including those of health, social relations and work. Inreference to health there is a general lack of awareness of healthinsurance among the group with only one covered by health insurance. All complained of the high costs ofmedical attention, treatment, and drugs. When asked about the public health clinics theresponses were mixed as some felt itwas a waste of time with thevery longwaiting period which oftenmeant saving a days wages toattend. Others felt that the services offered in thepublic sectorweremuch better than those offered in the private sector/hospitals.

"It makes no sensegoing to the linics at times."Theywill attend toyou and youwill have togo to doctor."Thewait is toolongat the ublicHospital. ""Ifyougo totheprivateyou have topay over$1,000 and they on'thave the thing todo likeultra-sound, betterequipmentare at thepublic.""I remember went toprivate, thebill they aveme could not savemy baby. I had togo public,my problemsolved."They believed however, that the public sector health serviceswere becoming quite expensive and could not be afforded. This was

resulting in their inability to access service and complete treatment."Igo toUWI Hospital withfourhundreddollars ($400). By thetimeIfinish, everything ome to$1000. Iwas toreturnbut I did not.

"Two participants complained about the adverse effects that

detergents were having on theirhands making itnecessary for themto go to the doctor for treatment. On one occasion the employer


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paid the bill but on neither occasions were there reports that anyprovisions were made toprotect the hands of the employees.

Participants discussed without reserve their relationships withtheir spouses and children as well as those at the work place. Thehelpers interviewed had children of varying age groups and numbers. There appeared to be good relationships with children whooften helped to look after younger siblings but therewere expressions of fear regarding daughters because of the high level of teenage pregnancy associated with them.

"De girl demwill bringhome thelittlebellyandfrom thegirl demreach12you have to start looksey trouble tart."Relationships with their spouses varied and therewere storiesof being deserted by former partners, fathers who did not supporttheir children, men who only wanted sex and a few incidents ofmen who attempted to support their children."Even if theyhave a brokenrelationshipwith themother and withyou they on'twant to take areof the ids.""Theywant the expart and that's it."A noh seyhimkind but sometimes im send little itofmoney."There were references to several work-related problems

having to do with issues ofwages, respect, dignity, and terms andconditions of employment and relationships.All workers who participated in thediscussions who were earningbetween $1,000 and $3,000 per week felt that they could do withhigher wages.

"I think could copewith $3,500. ""$3,000would begood. "There was the general feeling that employers could pay more

wages. Since their standard of livingwas high as demonstrated bythenumber of vehicles and dogs theyowned and the trips they tookoverseas.

"Theycan do much better ecause they avemoney, that'swhen theguy rob themof$60,000 or so.""Theynow can buy our, ive, cars,""Theywill spend$20,000 on a dawg and can'tgiwi an increase."There were expressions of resentment foremployees they considered tobemean ? who resisted any request for increasing wages


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by claiming tobe pensioners or saying they just could not afford topay more. Asking foran increase inwages could also be detrimental as one helper had herwork week reduced from five to three daysbecause she dared to ask for an increase inher wages.A gender bias was seen with the expressed belief thatmaleemployers were willing to paymore.

"Sometimes it isbetteryouworkwith theman dem than theladies.The ladiesstingy."Discrimination and disrespect were two other problems ex

perienced by 4pmestic workers on the jobs. Discrimination was seennot only innot being able to eat the same food as the employer butalso innot being able to eat around the family dining room nor sit inthe family living room."Notgood enough tosit in livingroomor inbedroom."Sit in theback toeat."In addition therewere experiences of children being rude tothem and calling them names such as ''ugly gal" or as one reported,'spitinmyface.'

Some objected tobeing called a "domestic worker" or "helper"because they felt those names were degrading and theywould notfind a suitable male partner with those titles. Titles they preferredtouse included "baby sitter" or "housekeeper".There were no clearly defined terms and conditions of employment which often resulted inworkers having towork very longhours, and do what in their opinion was often degrading work withlittlebenefits. Even when therewas some type of agreement at thestart of the employment therewas no guarantee that theywould bekept and therewas nothing inwriting which could be used to seekredress.

"So theymight say something nd thengo backon it"For example, inone case therewas a promise thatmeals wouldbe provided and the salary agreed on was based on that provision.However, the quantity of foodwhich was left tobe prepared by the

helper for the fivemembers of familywas so small the helper couldhave no share in it.On the other hand, helpers were often employedtodo one task on a verbal agreement, such as babysitting, but had to


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166 SOCIAL AND ECONOMIC STUDIES

end up doing general house work. They found itvery degradingand feltdisrespected when asked towash underwear, clean shoes,flush toilets, etc., as was also found inAnderson's Study. There wasgeneral anger on the part of the other participants when one workerreported the following:

"Thewoman isfifty-two earsold and thepersonshe isworkingwithisabout thirty-fiveears old and thatwomanmarried and have herthreedaughtersand she tekoff er threedaughters nd she tekoff erunderwearand put it in the lothesbasket.Responses included:

"Out of order.""Don't wash dem."

This anger led to further criticisms of employers."Dem nasty,dem can't evencook, he only thing hey ave overus isthemoney"."Sometimes its better towork with themen than the ladies."The general issue of relationship at theworkplace is dealt withfurtheron in this report. However, it is important tonote here howmenial tasks given to theworker can negatively affect the relation

ships and contributes to the boundaries to the relationships. Culturallywashing theunderwear of an employer is taboo and taken asa sign of contempt for the employee.

Helpers also complained of having very little time for themselves or not being able to get time off in an emergency. This oftenimpacted negatively on the care of their children."Only one thing, he comeshome too late. need space and timefor

myself."Complaints about meals had to do with inadequacy, and quality offood. They complained bitterly that they could not eat out of thesame pot or that theywere often given leftovers as theirmeal: Onedays worker complained of being provided with only tinmackerelforher meal.

"My boss ispure tinmackerel."

In response to this one helper reported taking her food toworkand cooking itbut when found out itcaused a quarrel with her employer. Days workers reported not being fed on the job.


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Domestic Work, Joy or Pain 167"You have tocarry omething r elseyou aregoing tositdown overthatbucketton loadwash hand ironwithout nothing."Employers, however, could also be very considerate wheremeals were concerned and one even gave her helper an additional$500 per week formeal allowance when she realized thather helperdid not like her eastern style cooking.There was evidence of a lack of job security and tenure for

pregnant or illworkers."Ifyougetpregnant, differentelpergetyour space,youget itbackonly if ougo back and demandyourplace.""If stop romwork I don'tget paid. "

Despite all the above problems most workers had a fairly satisfactory and personalized working relationship with their employers and reported of being able to converse with them as equals andbeing treated as persons and friends. The strength of the goodrelationship was reflected in one employer sponsoring a weddingreception forher helper.

"Mine (relationship ith employer) sgreat.Any employer ho havea reception oryouwhen yougetmarried isa good employer."The importance of the good relationship was seen when theywere asked iftheywould leave domestic work. There was the feel

ing of loyalty and that one could leave formore money but therewas the risk of being ina jobwhere the relationship was not as good."Sometimeyou leaveand you don't like t."Somepeople don't treat therpeoplegood yuhknow.Sometimesthemoney don't have anythingtodowith it. Is just therelationship."There were strong expressions of resentment of spouses whoin their view were jealous of their skills. One helper reported thefact that thewife in the home was jealous of her skills in the household (cleaning, cooking, washing) which were more pleasing to thehusband in the home."She don't taketime ut and do things nd everything ou do botherher."

?nd reported that the husband told her:"My wife neva cook it likethisyetand give it tome."


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So on the one hand there is concurrence that the relationship isgood, but for some helpers, there are feelings of anger at the socialdistance created by employers and by the tendency of employers tomake them feel inferior.

Great anger was displayed by the two helpers who complainedof sexual harassment and inone instance theworker left the job."My employer husband wanted to touchme once but I put himin his place and leftthejob. ""Sometimes you lookafterdem place better thandemwife demwill want to trysomething. "

Coping StrategiesThe coping strategies used by the domestic helpers were many andcan be seen with respect to economic/income generation, food andnutrition, shelter, child care, health, social and psychological wellbeing, social network and benefits from employers. The strategiescould be classified as being personal such as working harder andminimizing spending or socio-cultural as throwing "pardna" oroccupational multiplicity.

They were either short-term reaction strategies or were usedon a long-term basis, thisbecoming adaptive. Few of them could beconsidered as being strategies to definitely improve the life of theworker or get them out of poverty. With respect to dealing withincome inadequacy strategies included prioritization, saving,budgeting, minimizing spending, occupational.Most if not all of the helpers coped with their economicinadequacies by learning to order their needs according to priorities tobudget and tominimize spending.

"You have toput away unnecessary thingsthatyou don't reallyneed.""Exercisediscipline todo this nd not touse it."Rent is due or examfees due butfood isfirst."Prioritization also involved frugal use of one's possession and soclothes

"doesnothave tobe bought often" nd "one suit can lasta year."Another aspect of prioritization has to do with the childrenand meeting their needs first.


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"So you have tohold backand put the hildrenfirst. ""Food comefirst. You can't allow thekids togo hungry.""Regular saving for the rainy day" is also high on the list of

coping strategies but there is recognition thatwith limited resourcesthis requires a certain amount of discipline."Have toexercisediscipline todo this nd not touse itunnecessarilyhave to be strong. "

Many workers were "throwing partner" a locally well knownsaving measure which brings together groups of contributors whoput together an agreed amount to be paid to each contributor asscheduled. Another joined the commercial partner system of theWorkers' Bank whereby regular savjngs are encouraged of an amountdetermined by the saver. Only one participant mentioned saving inthe credit union.

Gayle (1997) in an unpublished study identified "black market, petty trade or street-side vending" as survival strategies usedby the poor. This study confirmed the latter two activities and sothe domestic helper is involved in trading in fruits in season, rearing and selling of small scale stock (pigs, goats, chicken) and planting of vegetables fordomestic use and themarket.

Gayle identified participation in activities which could beconsidered as being illegal such as the black market. There was noevidence of this type of illegal activity among the domestic workersbut one participant openly confessed to dishonest practices asshe was willing to "beg, borrow, or steal sugar and rice" forherchildren.Male support and remittances were also mentioned as strate

gies foreconomic survival. Where therewas financial support froma male partner or "baby father" itwas sometimes tied to sexualrelationship, and was also inconsistent.

"When himeighteen,that hen Iget helporused tosupportbutnotnow."Some fathers,however, although they could not give financialsupport gave support in the formof helping to care forand nurturethe children and do the domestic chores while their partners wereat work. Helpers also mentioned remittances received from rela


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tives abroad and financial support from relatives who would offertohelp them with their expenses."Mi mother helpme some of the time liketimeof themgoing toschool. "

Domestic helpers found working overtime or occupationalmultiplicity useful strategies forgenerating more income. Therewas an expressed preference forday's work although itmeant longerhours with harder work, and none of the benefits of a live-in helper.This preference was because the rate forday's workers were somewhat higher when compared with those for theweekly worker.

"I know that canwork $500 or $600 a day and get amuch bettermoney now, so I just endup have todo it."I switch to day's work to survive. "

Day's work also prevented any deductions being made forstatutory benefits.

"Somefirmyouworkby thetime em drawout this nd that ndyouget nothing."In addition, theweekly worker employed fromMonday to

Friday may work on a Saturday to supplement her income."I do days work in theweek-ends. "

Another weekly employed helper worked every other Saturday forher employer foran additional five hundred dollars to addto her weekly wage of two thousand five hundred dollars. Theselong hours, of course would have implications for theworker witha family and children and theworker herself whose health and general well being may eventually suffer as a result of such extendedperiod ofwork without rest and in such hardship.With respect to food and nutrition, survival strategies weremost creative and included dieting, eating less, stealing, going tothewholesale or streetmarkets, eating at the home of employers, orrelatives.

Shopping at thewholesale businesses and Downtown is animportant activity of the domestic worker. This shemay do on herown, purchasing theminimum quarter dozen, which isneeded toget thewholesale rate or joinwith friends to get the full benefits ofwholesale shopping. A clear distinction ismade between the "whole


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sale shopping" (at the shops) and the "street shopping" fromsidewalk vendors, the latter thought to be more economical.Sidewalk vendors itwas believed sold at a little cheaper rate thanthe shops."Youmight buya bottleofoilfor like 70. Downtown youget itfor$60 likecornbeef$55.You goDowntown and get itfor $50. "Shopping wisely, however, was of utmost importance in feed

ing the family. This not only meant finding cheap sources butprioritizing and sticking to the staples."First you buy seasoning then thevegetables. You buy thenecessary things,you buyfreshfish for $65 a pound.cabbage is cheap for $8 per pound and you can buy 3 or4 pounds""When I buy things, I buy things like green bananas,plantains, potatoes and cornmeal, "The issue of a balanced diet would be a real one here as the

focuswas mainly onmaking the dollar stretch rather than provisionof a healthy diet. On the other hand, such limitations would forcethem not to eat unnecessary junk food which isnow being blamedpartially for some of the lifestyle diseases.

Eating at the home of employers was satisfactory for mostworkers, and was used tomeet their needs for food, although a fewof them felt theywere getting food that their employers would noteat themselves such as "tinmackerel" or "left over food."Workers resolved theirproblems with high rentals by rentingwhere itwas cheap in spite of criminal activities, living on thepremises of employers or saving and using community support tobuild for themselves in rural Jamaica (St.Ann and Westmoreland).One helper fromSt. Ann who was living on thepremises "in anice room" reported quite proudly that hermain reason forbeing intheCorporate Area was towork to complete her house and almostall of her $2,900 per week was going towards the purchase ofmaterials forher house. Construction was being undertaken by herhusband and friends while her younger children were being cared

forby their father and a 17-year old son.For the domestic helpers in the discussions several strategieswere used for child care when theywere atwork. In one extremecase as the case study revealed, when the father of the children


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declared that he could not keep them any longer, the two daughterswere taken to the employers premises and kept for two years and"nobodyknewI had themthere.She had tohide them because shewas doing thiswithout permission and because"theydidn'twantmy poor childrenplayingwith their hildren.

She vividly described how she copedas follows:

"So what I did, because I didn't have anywheretogo because itwas alive-injob. I had tokeep themtherewithme. In thedaywhile Iworked in thehouse they tayed in theroom, nd in thenightswhenthepeople dem comehome. I tell themthatnow that thepeople arehomeyou can'tgo outside so if ouwant tocoughyou had tocoughin thepillow and if ouwant touse thebathroomyou use it, t let itsayuntil I come in, wouldflush it.When Ifinishworking like ,10o' clock, go down tomy room,the threeofuswould sitoutside togetfreshair and so. I neverhave anywhereto leave them r to take areofthem o I had tosuffer heconsequenceswith them, ntil Imet thisman and he said I can't keepthe hildren ike hat.He said okay then,ifyouwant you could letthem omeand staywithme."Some employers, however, sometimes allowed children tobetaken towork as long as they could be kept occupied with books for

example.As was mentioned before children were also cared forby theirfathers, by older siblings or members of the extended family, thegrandmother being a popular reference. No mention was made ofday care services or creches in spite of Government's National PolicyStatement on Women accepted by Cabinet in 1987 which enunciated the provision of day care services for all inneed. "The Government will develop measures to expand the availability of adequateand affordable child care services". Further research would beneeded to determine towhat extent this service is being used bydomestic workers. The Economic and Social Survey of Jamaica1997 reported that therewere 300 day care facilities registered withtheMinistry of Health catering to approximately 8,000 children. In1998 Day Care Services were transferred to theMOEC and data for1999 shows that children under three years old are served through17 government built centres, 149 private and 191 homebased centres (UNICEF, 2000).


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Coping strategies for transportation included walking andpaying expensive taxi fareswhen they could. For the live-in helperswho may have a family in rural Jamaica, itmight mean visiting homeonly once or twice per month because of the very high transportation costs.

Not much mention was made of coping strategies with respecttohealth. However, health insurance was mentioned by one helperwho referred toparticipation through the 'credit union'. There wasalso evidence of financial support from employers forhealth-relatedcosts.

"Whenmy children re sick,shefill theprescription."Where thiswas not forthcoming, however, well needed services and medication were not accessed."Awomen todo checkup everyyear andyou can't do it, ou have toput offyour health."One can assume references being made here to thewidely publicized need for annual papsmears and mammograms, but with no

provisions foraccessibility by low-income earners. In addition, helpersmay be given support in the form of time off to attend or taketheir children to the doctor."When they re sickIget timeto takethemto the octor."The psycho-social strategies forcoping were most interesting.In order to improve their self-esteem and gain respect and improvedstatus they used different titles for their work. They also dressedwell even to the point of outdoing the female employer."Sometimeyou evenput yourself together ore thandem, so dem

feel jealous. "Helpers also turned to their religion and their faith as a coping

strategy to deal with violence and fear."One night I heargun shotand I pickup theBible becausemy sonwas out there,nd Iwent into thebathroom nd prayed.""I putmy trust nGod. ""I go to the prayer meeting ... I'm covered in the blood of Jesus.

"Maintenance of a strong sense of self is also seen in the follow

ing quote:


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"They do not respect helpers ? most of them is no differentfromwe, most of them isnot even nice likewe are but it isjustthat theyare in a betterposition thanus or in a betterjob".Only in two cases were there any evidence thatworkers were

seeking tomove strategically to improve themselves. These expressed the hope of not being a domestic helper in the future.

"I am seeking job at theSupermarket.""lam going to school... doing food and nutrition."The focus group discussions confirmed the importance ofkin

ship ties as a survival strategy of the domestic worker. They cooperated to purchase food at thewholesale for example or eat at thehome of relatives. In the area of childcare and support therewasstrong evidence of thevery need for social network and kinship ties.Where theworker found herself with no one to come for her children, itwas another worker and amale companion who offered totake the children and care for them. In times of financial need thesefriends can be approached forhelp.

"There is somebodywho is confidential... call herover thephone andask herformy partnerdraw ...she isalwayswilling togive it tome.""Mi motherhelpme someofthe time."Last but not least domestic helpers were able to cope becauseof benefits from employers. These could be in kind or financial andare given generally ormay be reserved for special occasion such asatChristmas or at awedding

asmentioned before."Only atChristmas Iget a little xtra, hristmas ...Iget bonus andpresents. ""Christmas timeIget 2weekspay andpresents like pressurecookeror a sheet set. "On the other hand some employers considered the children ofthe employees and provided for them indifferentways."I getgrocerieseveryweek," or"When thechildrenwere inPrimarySchool, shehelpwith thebooksand paying schoolfees."However, there was the feeling that often theywere given

things they did not actually need such as 'old clothes'.


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Policy Implications/RecommendationsThere are several policy implications of these research findings. Firstand foremost is the issue of Early Childhood Education, Care andDevelopment. The case studies revealed thatboth categories of helpers started towork very early in life. This issue of child labour needsurgent attention as with limited educational achievement neithercategory of helper was able toprogress strategically, similarly thereneeds to be expansion of day care services for low income groupsand more public education forparents/guardians on the importanceof early childhood development. The cycle of poverty can eventually be broken if e ensure adequate early childhood education careand development.The helpers referred to several problems to do with housing.The NHT is currently offering low mortgage rates to low-incomeearners but is this sufficient to enable them to access housing? Dothey also need some spring board measure tohelp them with a start?

There also needs to be more public education for employersof these workers to awaken their sensitivities to theneeds and waysinwhich they can help. For example can allowances be given fortransportation and educational expenses? Can there be a grouphealth insurance for this category ofworkers? What if citizen associations facilitated the travel of theirworkers by special arrangements with transportation companies to shuttle them frombus stopsto residences which ever so often are not on a regular bus route?These options are certainly worth exploring and civil societyhas a role toplay in improving thequality of lifeof vulnerable groups.With more information, education and communication responsiblecitizens once they can afford it should play their role in social development.With respect to relationships at theworkplace and in thehome,family life education programmes need to be re-examined andstrengthened in the areas of interpersonal relations, skills and communications. Community counsellors could be trained and developed to offer help where needed. There was strong evidence of theneed to review theminimum wage to increase thepurchasing powerof theworker and to ensure they receive r?mun?ration to allow themtomeet basic needs and live indignity.


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There also needs to be stricter monitoring of the terms andconditions of employment. The Minimum Wage Laws have specified hours, but do we now need written contractual agreements between workers and employers. In thisway, sanctions can be applied when the agreements are broken. Improvement in communityparks, more playgrounds, open air concerts, etc.would be offeringsin theuse of leisure time,which should be achieved with better regulated homes. Can workers be encouraged tonegotiate based on theirskills and experience?

Helpers also need public education on avenues for redresswhen there is an infringement of their rights. Public education couldalso be used to encourage the payment of contributions to theNational Insurance Scheme and the National Housing Trust.Benefits tobe gained should be well-known, forexample, themanyoptions of housing solutions offered by theNHT.Public education is also needed on the role of theFamily Court.

Many participants did not seem to think that theywere entitled toand could claim male support through the courts. The Bureau ofWomen's Affairs should be provided with adequate resources toexpand the programmes they now have from the Jamaica Household Workers Association forskills training etc. Young women leaving school with littlequalification should be targeted or special skillstraining provided to increase their potential and their employmentoptions.It ishoped that plans for aNational Health Insurance Schemeshould materialize soon and consideration should be given tospecial benefits for these category ofworkers for services related tothe reproductive health system such as pap smears.Summary and ConclusionDomestic workers generally have a poor quality of life. They exhibit littledependence on state provided assistance and little knowledge of their rights and benefits. The study confirmed the findingsof the literature that there are no general terms or conditions ofemployment for domestic workers. They are normally employed inrather fluid arrangements oftenworking long hours with evidenceof improper arrangements for care of their young children. They


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are faced with high costs for transportation, utilities, rental, healthservices and education for their children.Where relationships are concerned these vary from one of

neglect bymale partners to one of intensive care even forchildren ofwhom they are not thebiological fathers. At theworkplace the pendulum also swings from incidents of total disregard and disrespectto others of bonding and real friendship.The case studieshighlighted

theearly age

atwhich these workers have to start their employment and the cycle of poverty as theirparents were no better off than they are and with inadequate childcare and development their children in turn are likely to end in similar low income employment.The coping strategies used by domestic workers were quitevaried and creative, resourceful, indicative of resilience and emphasizes the importance of the social network to the urban poor. Itwasinteresting to note thatno mention was made of safety net benefitsprovided by the

Government such as food stamps. The beneficiaries of these include pregnant/lactating women; children 0-6 years,single-person households with an income of less than $7,000 perannum and Family Plan Households of two or more with total income of less than $18 000 per annum. Yet no participant mentionedthese types of assistance.The JSLC 97 confirmed thatdomestic helpers were not receiving benefits nor food stamps. Contribution to theNIS fund fromwhich domestic helpers would benefit were also not being made byparticipants in the focus group discussions

nor in thesample (203)of the JSLC. The is^ue ofwhat will happen to themwhen they getolder is therefore a burning one. The fact that this category ofworkers is the only one tobe paid maternity leave pay under theNIS Actmakes this of even more concern.

Similarly they do not qualify for benefits from theNHT because they do not contribute nor do they appear to see the need todo so. None of the participants mentioned the Jamaica HouseholdWorkers Association although the notes revealed that there werereally

no questions as towhether thiswas used inhelping them tocope or not. The issue then isone of a closer examination of the roleof the Jamaica Household Workers Association to determine howthe impact on household workers could be expanded.


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In spite of the pain and insufficient evidence of joymany aretied to domestic work with little options for employment as theyare unskilled, with low educational attainment and only one of thetwenty-three was doing some courses in an effort to advanceherself. Only twowere attempting to own a home. Their sense ofhopelessness and desperation did not allow them to even think ofstrategies for their development.ReferencesUnpublishedGayle, Herbert (1997). "JugglingandHustling inJamaica"Msc Thesis, UWIMona Campus.Lawrence, Abigail (1995). "Like aMadda: A Study of theRelationship between domestic helpers and theiremployers inJamaica."Powell, Dorian, Jean Jackson,Margaret Bernal (1982). "Social Network ?

A Resource Base forUrban JamaicanWomen." Paper prepared forWomen in theCaribbean ProjectConference Barbados ? Sept 12-161982.Brown, Janetand Melrose Rathary (1987). "Women in Jamaica Development: An Overview Report Towards Development Strategies."PublishedAndaiye (1997). "Setting theContext: Concepts of theValuation ofunwagedwork and itsRelationship toDomestic workers." Presented at the

ILOWorkshop, 1997.Anderson, Patricia (1991). "Protection and Oppression: A Case Study ofDomestic Service inJamaica." Labour,Capital and Society24:(1).Economic and Social SurveyofJamaica1997,1998, 2000, Planning Instituteof

Jamaica.Holiday with Pay Law (1973). Laws of Jamaica.Volume 6.ILO (1970). "The Employment and Conditions ofDomestic Workers inPrivate Households." InternationalLabour Review No. 102/4/1970,391

401.Jamaica ousehold Workers Association (Brochure)1997.Pargass, Gaietsy (1997).Desk Review "DomesticWorkers intheCaribbean."ILO Caribbean Office, Port of Spain, Trinidad. Presented at the ILO


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StrategyWorkshop to Improve theStatus, Terms and Conditions ofDomestic Workers in theCaribbean, Jamaica. Sept. 1997.Planning Institute of Jamaica/UNICEF (1995). SituationAnalysis ofWomenandChildren inJamaica1995.Planning Institute of Jamaica/UNICEF (1997). Survey ofLiving Conditions.Thorburn,Diana (1996). "Arewe practicingwhat we preach? Some Thoughtson Household Workers and Caribbean Feminism, Gender and De

velopment Studies," UniversityWomen's Group Newsletter, Nov. 13.UNICEF 2000 ? Presentation on theProposed Restructuring ofProvisionsAnd Support fortheNational Early Childhood Programme (Unpublished).World Bank (1997).Human and Social Development Group LAC. "Jamaica? Violence and Urban Poverty inJamaica: Breaking theCycle."

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