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PRELUDE TO SPARTACUS: THE,RoMANSIN SOUTHERN THBACE, 150 - 70
B.C.F. W. W A L B A N K (GREAT BRITAIN)
1.The slave-revolt led by Spartacus underlines ttle close
relationship bet-ween Roman imperia.l erpansion and ttre intemal
problems of late republicanItaly, since it was the direct result of
t:eating conquered lurds as a source ofenrichment tttrough plunder
and sale prisonels. The earlier Sicilian slave-warstf,re mainly
fought by Greek-speaking Etaves who tried to orcanize
treirslave-stat oI the Seleucid pattem. But Spartacus' followers
iere largelyGauls-,and Thrarians, and Ziegterl has argued plausibly
that Spartacushimself was a prisoner taken from the Maedi of the
ientral Strymon vaUey.Against barbsJians the Romans did not observe
tlte rules to which tlreyusuallfr corfonned in Italy or when
fighting against more civilised peoplei.As Rich2 has recently
pointd out, there was probably no formal deciaration9f w-ar in such
cases, though oflicially this may have been rcquired. . Againstthe
barbarians,' writes Badial3, 'where publicity need noi tre feared
andwhere incidentally the gradual advancing of trhe trontier did
not, on the who-le, lead to any major new comnitments at aDy one
time, Eo flrat the wholeprocess would :lot easily become obvious -
there, policy .tf,as openly brutaland aggressive and
triumph-hunting an accepted technique., This was so insouthem ard
central Thrace, rvhere Roman expeditions were often provokedby
invasions into Roman territory - but could in any event be
representedas retaliation or as a prcventive strike. We need not
become sentimental aboutthese wars. As in those of the whit settles
against the North Americanlndians4, both sides displayed great
savagery - even allowing for some natur-a.l exaggeration by the
victorss. But Indians and Thracians slike x,ere gradual-ly pushed
back or immobilisd. Undoubtcdly the Thracians themselves of-tn took
tfie initiative, since their economy vras largely gesred to
plunder. 4,6Herodotus tells us6, when describing ttle ideals of
ttrL thracian aristocracy,'to do nothing is the finest thing, to
work the land the most dishonourable;but grardest of all is to live
by war and plunder.' Professor Danov? has obser-ved that Seuthes ll
described such a way of life to Xenophon8- In con equ-ence, the
Thracian tribes adjoining Macedonia, and in particular ttre
Maedi,were involved in wars against Macedonia ot Rome for about
three hundrcdYea$g.
SPARTACUS. Symposium rebus Spartaci gestis dedicatum 2050 s.
Sofia. 1981.14
-. U1d9r PhiliF V and Perseus there had been constant friction.
ln 211 phi-lip seized the Maedian town of Immphorynnal o; but four
yeaG latert I theMaedi were ag_ ain threatening M-acedonia- L)n a
famous ;";io;; 181 philipinvaded Maedica and marched his-troops to
the top of .Mt Haemus, _ prihably in this case Vitosha - in the
vain hope of iatching "!U-p". ot tt "anube and the seas surrounding
the Batkan i*ninsutar z. iti wE inciaentatly, Livy's_ account of
this exploit that inspired petrarch to,*"ira Ut V"r_to'yl in_Ap_dt
1336 - ttrus initiathg the history of modem mountaineer_urgr .t.)
ln 172, the Romans welcomed a Maedian htiance agalnst King
perse_Slri.*d when a.ftcr. pydna- rtre Macedonian
-rr;ht;;;i""olv-ed, theMaedr rema.lned outside the frontiere of
Macedonia primal5. Afl,er suppres-sing Andriscus' revolt in 149 the
Romans at last estabfiit eO " piort"e in fr{a-cedoni4 and eoon
leamt that with it they h8d inheritd the ierennial stmg-' gle
against the Thracian tribesl 6. It was_ a otruggle fought wiUi
great savagery31d. ru$leesngs-. 'The only .way to subdue *iese
exiepti"naff1ruet f&s,,wntes !'lorusr /, 'was to employ their
own metlods. prisonen wire thereforetorturcd with fire and steel;
and, what appeared most frightful to these ba$-arians was to have
tleir hands cut off and then to be timed l,oose, obligertthus to
survive their punishment.' This w8s the trcatment,."h"t t
i.ir,irr":j-o"lyr, g--"luli"q Scipio Aemilianus and Julius Caesar,
meted out, to theMaedi and the Serdi irr 3G28 B-C. - after which
the Maedi are scarcely heardof again as a separ-at people18. Thse
Fotr&ted.nrls r.r. * *",o fo.pl*doand agood way of keeping
Roman koops exercised. . SuU4' writs Appiant g,'attac.Ied and
ravaged t}le tribes.adjacent to Macedonia, who were
constantJyinvading the p-rovince, thus giving his army practice and
enriching them atthe same time.'In 109-106 M. Minucius Rufus
triumphed aftr victories over tle Scordi-::rl jlf D*hr. pd the
Bessi; he- also cimpaignea againii rt e-iAUaty anaLhe (xrysae on
ure upper Hebrus20. Clearly he had not restricted himftlf bthe
defensive action in ttle Axius valley wirich is cornmemlratea on an
irr_scription iror! luropus2l, but had gcni on to leao punitive
"ip"aitio,r. i,many.parts of Thrace. Tire plunder ?hich Minucius
tirereby gain'ed was usedto endow the building of the famous
porhcus Minucia at Rom12 2.The hoEtility of the Thracian tribes
towards Rome ie J,l.r.n Ly lhe helpwhich $ey usually gave to her
enemies. In the war of 150-49, whrctr endedrn.the. setttng up of
the province of Macedonia, the pretnde! Andriscus washelped by the
Thracian chief,l,ains Teres and Barsabas and aftr his defeat
hefound -a temporary refuge in Thrace23. The Thracian triLe,
*ur"-"-fro tn" "n-my-of the client-kingdom of perga-tnum. ln 14b
Attalus II oveithrew Diegy-lis, th king of the Caeni who, in
alliance with prusias oi nitnynia-.'rras t aras-$ng tie creek
cities of the Chersonese,.including Lysimachia2 a i The perga-mene
forces were^probably commanded by Strato-, the general ot
tne.CnerL_nese and Thrace26. But from 146 onward Thrace waithe
responsibitity oflhe _!o-mal- goveqors-of Macedonia - especialy
after the alath of atta-lus III in 134 or 13326 and the bequest
ofiis kUgaom to Ro-. th" gor"._nor of Macedonia from 138 to 1BB; M.
Cosconius2-?, not or y iought a;ainstAe !:odi::i in central
Thracc,.bur probably also d;dr withir,e ri'sing in t},eI nracran
Ohertonese mentioned in a long inscription from Sestus2SJ
whichrefers to Thracian attacks on the town_after ,the kings haa
tumeJ into gods,,that is, aftr the death of Attalus III. Cosconius
wasierfraps opeiating in tfre
15
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Chersonese rvhen Macnaeon, son of Asclepiades, came from Cyzicus
to asklor_help29, probably againsi Thracians aliied to Aristonicus,
ihe pretenderto the Pergamene throne.From t,Lis time onwards therc
is constant figbting between l{oman tro-ops under ihe Sovemor of
Macedonia and various Thracian tribes. Much ofthe evidence is
laconic and does not indicate wherc the fighting took place.But
dearly one root frequently used in both directions w:as ttr_-at
atong tleBrcgalnitza into the-AxiuE valley. Tipas, the king of the
Maedi, probiably'came this way in 119 when, along with the
CettiCscordisci, he invaded Mi-cedonia and ki.lled the praetor,
Sex. Pompeius, somewhere near Stobi. Know-ledge of l,hese-events
depends on an inscription rccording honoun votd bythe people of
lete to the quaestor, M- Annius, who defeatid Tiras after
pom-peius'-death30. Five-years later, in 114, Macedonia became a
consular pro-vince for seven_yea$31. In that year C. Porcius Cato
rook the offensive3f ag-ainsl, the Scordisci, though without
success. He was later condemned for ex-tortion, but his two
successols in 113 and 112, C. Caecilius Metellus and M.Livius
Drusus, troth triumphedSS. ln 109 M. Minucius. whose widespread
ex-prdiiicns iuto Thrace I have already menlioned34, may have used
flre Bregal-Ditza roule to rcach the Scordisci, the Dacians and the
Tribaili; bui neitherhis. rout -nolthose of the later govemors of
Macedonia who were constanflyfighting the Thracians during the
twelve years from 9? ro g5l4 can oe icieni-ified with certainty.For
sk years C. Sentius remained govemor of Macedonia (93-87)3b, hutby
t,l.e end of that priod the Thracians had found a new charnpion -
Mithri-dates VI of Porrtus. If the attacks of Sothimus who eluded
Sentius andinvaded Greece, and whcm Gaebler took to be a king of
the Maedi36, werein 88, it is likely that he was incitd by
Mithidates. By 8? Sentius had beenexpelled lfom Macedo,nia and it
was only with the savage reprisals of Sullaand his lego,us,
Hortnsius, in 85 ihat the tabtes were tumed37. In thelucrative
canlpaigr. - probably up the Strymon38 -- which I have
alrcadymentioned39, Sulla defeated the Maedi, the Dardani and the
Sinti, bur a yearlater the first two of those tribes arrd the
Scoxii:ci irivaded Greece, wherethey reached Delohi, and botl: the
Maedi and the Dardani escapcd therevenge of the propraetor, L.
Comelius Sulla Asiagerrus, by briberya0. Soenoed over ten
years'aimost continuous miliiary activity, wirich ma,y alsonaJe
inciuded Thracian atlacks on the mainiand possessions of Thasos41.
In77-76 the proconsul Ap. Claudius Pulcher dieci fighting in
Rhodope; ac-coding to Obsequens the Maedi wele amorrg his ioes42.
liis succesior, C.Scribonius Curic, proconsul in Macedonia from 7i
[o ?2, was the firstl{oman to bring his troops to the Danube{3. If
Zreeler rs right44, it wasprobably under .4p. Ciaudius that
Spa.rtacus fell into Roman hards.
2.As I have sald, most oi these campaigns cannot be located.
They led rcno extnsion of Roman territory, rhough ihey broughi looi
to the state andto individual general$ (and thei! troops). In
conrrast to this iierce but indeci-sive fighting, it is however
possible, thanks tc iwo recently discovered in-scliptions, io irace
more clearty the stages by which the Romans extendedtheir control
and frootiers a.long the Thracia! coest of the Sirymon.
16
As Dr. Papazoglorr has shown4 5, the newly-creatd province of
Macedo-nia, *'hich was pethaps definitively organized in 14646,
excluded the Maediand took in the Strymon va.lley only up to a
point a little north of whereSandanski now stands; tiris inland
frontier was taken over Macedonia prima,which had also left the
Maedi outsidea 7 . The limits of Macedonia along the coastare more
controvet5ial. It is clear that the province was regaded as a
jumpingoff ground for military action against t,l-e Thracian
tribes; indeed Cicero as-serts48 that 'such vast barbarian tribes
lie in its pro::imity that generals ope-rating in Macedonia have
a.lways equatd the limits of the province with ihelimits imposed by
their swords and javeliru.' Therc is some rhetoric hcre; atany rate
the boundary of t}te province along the nortfi Aegean shor wasnow
established at the Hebrus. The proof of this lies in a passage of
Strabo4gsupporbed by new evidence conceming the important road
running eastwardfrom Thessalonica-There had been a road through
coastal Thrace from the HeUespont west-wards at any late since
Persian advance into Macedonia and Greece eady int}}e fifth
century50. According to Herodotussl, the Thracians revered
ihisroad, neither destroying it nor planting it with crops - which
suggests thaithat was,what they would normally have done to a road
built through theirterritorys2. It survived for centuries, and was
probably the.ancie,rt royalroad leading to Parorcia in Thrace and
nowhere deviating towards thecoast,'S3, which Philip V divertd in
185 to take in some oi the land andsettlements belonging to
Maronea; and in 188 Manlius Vulso had met withdisaster retuming
along tttis road from Asia with his Galatian plunders4. ltwas
probably primitive by Roman standards, and any eastward extnsion
ofthe frontier of Macedonia was likely to require its
reconstruction.It is clear from two passages in Strabo that the via
Egnatia, wbich crossedthe- Balkan Peninsula from Ap
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by Hammond59 and Radke60 that this road was not, tluilt until
aftr Polybi,us' death. Fortulately the discovery of a milestone6l,
inscribed in whatappear to be the lettr-forms of the second half of
the second century 8.C.,at the crossing of the Gallikos, about
seven Roman miles west of'Ihessalenicq has produced welcome
confirnation of the evidence in Strabo. Thismilestone, found
approximately ia siru, records the ligure of 260 in Greekand Latin
numerals; and thi6, added to the seven m.p. from thet to
Thessa.lonica matches exactly th figurc of 267 m.p. for the second
Apollonia-Thes-salonica which Strabo attributed to Polybius62.
Hence it is now certain thatthe via Egnatia was built at least as
far as Thessalonica shcruy after Macedo-nia was made a province
a.nd virb,lalty certair tllat it did not stop there butcontinued to
tlle Hebrus at Cypselq which constitut d the provincial
boun-dary.This is not the usual view. Geyer in his RE articte on
Macedonia63 as-serts that when the province was set up its frontier
was the Nestus. That riverwas certairly the boundary of Macedonia
under Philip II and Alexander64.But that this was no longer so in
the middle of the second century is clearfrom Strabo's statement,
that both after ftldna, when Lhe p.ol6",c were nadeindependent, and
afte! the defeat of Andriscus, the froniier of Macedoniawas t}!e
Hebrus65. His st4tement is confirmed for 168 by Lily6o, *5o
"r*,eclaring that Macedonia Prima included the area between the
Strymon andthe Nestus, adds'accessumm huic parti trans Nestum ad
orientem ue$us,qua Perseus teniusset uicos castella oppida praeter
Aenum et Maroneam etAbdera'67. Diodorus68 also includes d npia
&arcli* @i Niotol isiw&in Macedonia. Finally, Strabo states
specifically that the via Egnatia is mark-ed out with milestones
from Apotlonia piTq Kugilan xo,i ,,ESgou lrotc.poia distance of 535
m.p. The nahrra.l conclusion is that the road was built
fromApollonia (and Dyrhachium) to Cypsela from the outset.The
province of Macedonia extnded to the Hebrus (or beyond) at anyrdte
to the end of the republic. As A. H. M. Jones has pointed out69,
Porn-pey received help in 48 from Rhascuporis, a prince of the
Sapaei, .ex Mace-donia'?0 alld it is clear from the events
preceeding the batdi of philippi in427 1 that Rhascuporis' kingdom
embraced the arei between the Nestujandf.he Hebms, ir:cluding ihe
tcritoris of the Corpili (a sept of the Sapaei)?2.The simplest
expLanation of this is that Rhascuporis' king
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lfI
II
r .earl!' second century- B.C. too. since both tribes shared in
the attack onluanliusrvulso somewhere west of Cypsela, ,, fri.
Jr-l"r-"y ftom Asiarn J..!0"'.Ptolemy indicatd that in imperia.l
tims the hinterland of tsyzantiumand the coast from Perinthus to
Apollonia belong toitre art e. Uenc", urrt"",t!"* LT a.major shifr
in triUar tirritories tei;;";". idO ;:6.'ar,a tr,"
ti."g"Llg1-:-t^"lTe was writins (and for this there isno;il;;6, rhe
caen-elc Lnersonere ot the new Cnidian inscription can hardly be
.the peninsulalltlt"ry.g9*n. !,o the Bosphorus, as iLs "aiioo
,uppt.e]sl'tt1"eems more titre-ry rnar rr was the extension inland
of the Thracidri Chersonese proper, takingin the land occupied by
the caeni. rt was ttriiriu.nr'tl,ii"iit""ii"a _a a"-ilT1*}:y:B
under. Diegyris, ""J;;;; it,"ni"ii&f,iaep"na"nturE vlersonese
and other territories inherited from Attalus were under
threat.,,,nf^d!,fi o*.. from .panium tfanaaus t, tr""ouri"j
frirl*.'lf l"a etta*;1,-;-:1T.lI1l the. rands received by Eumenes
ai Apamea extnded a.tong:u: rroponus coast. to the neighbourhood of
Bysarrthi. But on the wesr the--f -,r.:.:-"^:1d:1"^"_:f any such
coastal extension-and it i""_i .t"i rir,"ry rr,"trne uaenerc
uhersonese was on the.north-westem part of the cheEonese (ina wide
sense). cenr,erins on r.he valrey of th; ;;e;-M-eLliji i,ii
.rt"naingir and to inciude t,e rige of the hiui ,ouif, oi.if,u
mi#m't#is or xe.u,and Malkara and, no dou-bt, *re region u"t*"",
i'r,"* ""ii b;;sH;j'"#l8rd. to. Bisanthe. By this annexatio" T.
Didir.-;;;;r;J ti,""t]i'", oi "o.,,-unication _between cypsela ana
*re Trrracian Lr,i".iJiJ iiil p."ria"agrcater-security for the
inhabitants of tirat peninsufa.'. PerhSps the Caeni had Ueen
couaborJil! *itiijre pirates; uut we cannorbc certain. of_this
until we know more clearly how T. Didius., annexation ofhe caeneic
Chersonese in 101 is retateJ to In" "ii"i ilulilr".#ii,.*o i"
,r,"iracy law, wficfr wa.s probably passed at rJle very end of that
year.9; Thqleseems no doubt, however, that thi ann"*uti"n
oiii"-6u"r,"ilLi,"'rion"r" toor.lace within the general contexi cf
U. eri".-ir"I "^",ipicnl';'."i;,., t,n" ",-ates of the eastem
Meditcrraaean in 102.101. Th";;iph:";;:-tnidian in_scriptions
tosether reveat ihat various friendlt p;;;l;: i;;, ffiiingssa inthe
easfm Mediterranean were enlistd t. "iri"6"r-at""l"- .ilri.*rr,g tt
"ommon menace. A,nonz thesp ucre Rhodes, cyprrli. -cy.en'i.i re*2
na.;uIo, _lgro,, and Syria. Thi governors of Asia and riii.."aon-i1
r,"J'"p"",n" arr.ll^].at-: ltgr them and. they. were required to
.*"_ ." o",lrriiiii,t"r,ng ,r,r,,nav $ould carrv out the
iniunctions contained in the documenf^s. SuU-sequ-enr sovemors or
14"""6on;"i oo incruding rh.;; ;i ;b;:;;;'io*pro.""o tnrhe Caeneic
Chersonese. alrea,r., alnq)(;d'byi. J;ir.. ;;;i; glru".n,ng rt
i"rovince along r,r,ith Macedoniit u ' and remaining there for not
less thar_r 60days in each year they were ro rake ,rup" t;ii;;
""ir"""ri"# o"i ii" ,","nu"l?-"lllt:^',P,tl,l b ticani t.1.o2 to
secuie ;y i;ie,'a;;';iiu-,^.,i'no." ug"alnsl evlctlon, hlndrance or
ini[stice. ard before leaving to dcmarcarc toenew trrirories.l 0s
Fu her ro" the "outir it was' "oiieiiEriiJlliio,,." ,r,"help of
allied states against the pirats -. ,.t,"rgi, *" i.r"*'iro"*"ti"
C"iai_inrription that Lycaonia and Cir'tctu *ere JieaiS, p..ri"I"",
tir'i'ii'iar ," ,rr"ovemor of Macedonia to Drotect arrd consolidite
nornan'Jo*", ufong rt"hracian coast rvhere T. Didius h.q
ljreadt;;;;-;'ii"',ir#,IL'.r r.1" c*-i. The _province of Macedonia
w r no*"nar" emu."""l rifdr,li" "r*rarea as far as perinthus; and
the characier of the;;p;;s; jr r.i"1""itu u"_
2|
tlerstooil if tlre 'l'l:racian Chenonese was ^lready contTolled
by the governorol that province rhar if iD 133 ir had heen t"f;
;;.-;;;;il;,icui'tt u gor"r,nr-.rr oI ilsra.4.
. .Ihe an_nexation of the Caeneic CheEonese facilitated
communlcaLruttswith rhe che^onese proper, and though sti"u.
irJ"iil"'ili#Lries raterthoughr of the eastward exrension oJ tf,e
via ng".tii * ?rfi.iiig the pro_pontis to Byzantium,r04
Cicero.speaks ott "r oi li," *iy- io irr"'il"rrerporrtcrossing. In
56, in his soeech on t}te consular prorince",rds t-omitAning
tf,atthe via Egnatia was subiect to harUarian attac't
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I
go on;.but it $as bittrly, though not always successfully,
resisred hj. localpopulations and allied
govemments.---^-fI:!1:].*1, made a- large contribution to the flow
of slaves to thewesl. bpartacus was one of many,. and he is unique
only to the exknt thathis. initiative. and gifts of leade;Iip
,e.".ea frirn' " pia"J i"iirtorv. tt u *""ority of barbarian sLaves
6old in Greece came either irom asia tUintr arra Sy_1a gr. Fgp
Thrace, the lower Danube ;t ur;-;;;h';;;";;"o?ii," ur"r!e1 l-r s Tt
ogch supplemented fr". tt " wesiifre."-r":"r""i i*Xr"a
i_por-}1:.f?: lh:^x33T bo; and the red wig" ,u"- by
J",".in-roil_"o_"oyornr ro a genem.l typeca.Etine rs ThraciansJ 16
The name of Thraex, familiarq:i#:"T["##.u","#':treJi*:,:,t*ra
ji:il*lx*tid T"lv 9t ttre physicaly stronger rhraciair;ilil;.X ;;;;
Maedi inparticulsr, tley were perhaps among ttre trltes
att'actEJ'tv li]i"r""nt., v"r_ro Lucullus, the proconsuiof
Maceidonia in ,riii fi ;;f;ri.oi,..", rn"n-tion only ttre Bessi -
for his victory over whom ie trlu-pi,"j: tog"ti,",with rhe
Haemimontad, rhe Scodis;i anJ th; C;;k ;i',i"r;ffi" Btack
Sea:l*!11j Nor do.the.Maedi figurc in the brief refe;;;;;;;i;io
l"L, rr,r"_lan campargns m the ,sixties and 'fifties. As I have
already mentioned, theirlast appearance in the historicsl -recoro
is as victirns oi t"h;';;;;"r, pun_ishment meted out to them by M.
Licinius Zrai"r,'p.LoiiujTr"il"""ao"i"from B0 to 2g B.C.120Summing
up this brief survey of Roman activity in Thrace during
theha.lf-century or morc followinp tLe annexal,ion of Micedonia
as-a-province,the Romans may be said toi"r" puoreJ-"'d;j-;"il;.
'il: i.]t"rto, orThrace was the scene of constant
pir"itir"lrpJilir_'"i'i?ig.Ji l'i pr,rnaerand immobilise rhe narive
peoples and t, p;";;i';;;;;d.ffitilrs or theprovince. During ttre
same period tr," ."""["r "r"" *"" sr"d*rr]ir":r.iir*,"d
i",1.:fl_"_"Lt_-,1; It is now possible to
a"t""iir,r""-.irlii""t,.-rl?. i,."i""*. ri*,,rn sellrng up the
province the Romar:s occupied th-e coastal ilain-as far asQrpsela
and the Hebrus. r-",., in ijsl-iof,o-;-;'A,;;;i iiiu".,. ,n"vadded
the rhracian chersone* -J m il"ig-"ii".?"piillii,Ji*ij."a*,r;to the
north as fer as Bisanthe. trinauy, in iot, ri,i*i. oraiu.,'ii"y
"o.,-olidated their hotd on the hinteaana -oi *re
ch;rr;;;:"';;'il;"'J"qui.ea "ontinuous provinciat tritory extending
b"y;;;-;h" H-,-* -'lij'* l* ^he north shore of the propontis.
Tht;tir;;-il* ;*i_1iii"aii"n", ,".,,,from.a clear poricy of
territorial annexatiion but were rather a response rooutside evenls
- the bequesr of pclgalurn i, faS ;J it" a,.ir.tJa "."aiions during
the pirate war of M...Lntonius n rbiioi.'it,ii ii iizing
thecoasta.l plain and so blockins the dygl sql1sts, tfrl n..#ir"i"
",,pf .y,,gagainsr the Thracian trihes i mititary tchnique
;;;;i;;;; ln'ir,u'rurl,ni,..wals_and later to be used in Britain i"
ti,"t, uitrr.,"" l"ii S".if"ri n".tn orthe Forth. It is in such
examples of continuity ,n Lr"i""r"r.""ti#'a].""*a topoliticat ends
that the Romani r"""a i;;; ;;;;'r. iriIr"'pitifi"ioXilt".,
NOTES,- , ,K. Z i e .E t e,.. Die Hrtuhfr von Sparrstus. _
Herme6t 83, 19SS, 248_50,emend'h6 _ ,orla,l,o, lo Mu*tun in plu!.
Craj.8.3. --'-"'-* "", '"'. ,J. W-, t i-c h. Dectaring t{ar in the
Roman rrpubtic in th pedod of transmarineexpansron. - Coll.
Latomus. vol. 149- Brusk I q?6 r'^''E. B a d i s n. Rom.n
Imnpyiati$n in tfr. t"-n"prtfi. Oxford, 1968, I l.see D. B r o w n.
Burv -', Hearr at wo_r.ra.a x,[". r,",j.J.].riii] p"*i-.cr.. ror
eramprc, the irorior.stories or Diegyr;" r,b
il-ililiirilir_rs.Herod-v 6
7Ch.. M. D a n o y. Attrhrakien. Brtin_Nex, yorl, 1976, l7l. 9X
e n. Ansb. 2. Ag-4-gSee B. G c , o v. Der Thratische Stamrn-der
Mrden. _ Ih: Omagin lui
Con6tah.;:,;:i{i:ii!:*ti.i.,,,1#;:,1:x}t.r"rfi-,"rii::,m;l"i'.an,.ph,ip,,ll
g t y u. X. 41. 4i L i v y. XXvIlr. 5. ?." * *'if j I
Jilot;?l;.ri?.' r1r1 lt:t !.o r.y b xxrv. 4. - s I r a b o. vrr. s.
r. (. 3 13., o, -,,, uii i'" i'"j"' l''l lJ,il ::i*: ftt", ::? t "'
I T".ix,"i5;:fl,"1;,* ) *,l!L i v v. xL . Is.6.IbOn the boundaries
of M,"edonia prima see L i v y. XLrv. 2r. t*6; D i od.XXr. q.-8;
below, D. ;.rbcf. A. H. M. J o n e s_ Th.ford. 1921.8 ff. ) cities
of the eastern Ror'lln provinces, ed. 2. Or-l?Ftorus. I. g9.
z.ltsct D i o. LI. 25. 4 ror s^,for
9r"*."r,r.rl'biii.vi,i:u:'ii:,ir?iillxliu"i,Ao''n'"0
'n1"trtiainspainlIYA p p. Mitlr. 5s.ZUThe sources for
Minucius'.[,:il,th""t#ft1,:;#'l';r':;[,,:Tp1ff .il, Tffx*xlJ"
j"*,;] il' "na'#;,,
"o,r. ,rilll;,j r5u? ' E e ' s 't);rydd , 5, 1s52. 5-16; cs. r.
and L. R o b e r r, BuI.22v. ..prr. II. 8. si cic. ?hrt. lL 34isHA
comm. l6. 5.rD i ) d. xxxtt. ls. 6. z r rrrcs_and B;;r,"";lt;; r"x
28.2; v. . p a r. r3. llrEurrop rv. l3rLiv v. per. so,rl"i,
i.'iiri. j;;;p';i io. r, e o,.h y rY..FCH, 260 F 3 {$
19r0","...,3tr8 %#l,hr. 6; D i o c xx\rn.
14-15:srrabo.xrri.4.2c624;forth.l,",,, ,,.',iuo.",Jf :
iJ&.'lrr"- t o ' H' B e n g t s o n Die stratesie in der
herrenistischen26ln fa'our ot 134 sce A N s.hprwr n_ Wh il e.
Rornan invotvemnt rn Ana.olia, 16J 88. - JRS, 67, 197?, 68. n au."r
* -..:l,TT r,'.
t'r: J:.i:,23.t !t-:?rd jsci ; rGR, rv 1 34 l]. r and e-1 1' IV.
1 s37'zoocls 33q!!lcn, iv. 134 I- I and e_ 1rrusylj 700: rhe dare
is nor r r?^(!o^Di[enbergerandtsri . N. c. L. H a m m ond.history
o[ Macedonia. oxford. te?2.184, u";n_L.j ai.*"'Lii.i',i.i, .riir,"
n".""roops ststioned ih advanced posjrions which were concentlated
by ;;;;;;.. M. Ar.rusi bul rhe rroops Et.ationed tn rhc borders of
Mscedonia ir-rOi inii-.-iXxr. S. St:1":]9 ""1 o: adduced as a
pardlet, for rhese are cteaily Macedonian. The Roman6 tfro troops
in r.he independenr republics afr.er the fal or;t";;;;;;: "''
^"rrSee Th. Ch. S a r i k a k i " Op.^cir. {n. 2o). ss_63
tor;hesovernorshipof C.iiI';"{ft'"l,l,li}"CR"?iilllEY;51'*
c'p'i'i"" rire-':ij, Dr'ii,i*-i.,"* 1'rz-rzE u t r o p. IV. 24, be
um iniutit.22
23
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lr 'l33Faeti triumph. Degrassi, Insc. ltal. XIII. 1 pp. 85 and
561.34above, p. 3 nn. 20-2L3sseeTh. Ch. sa ri k a k is.op.cir-. (n.
2o),69 72.360ros. V. 18. 30;Gaebier. zertschr.Num. 23, 1902, 170,
n. 337L i v y. P"r. 83; P I u t. Sulla 23i E u t r o p. V. ?. 1; on
Hortensius cf. Cran.Lic. 35 B.g8ftis foUo*s iorn oE Fint, ft rn
which he stlrted, somewhere betweeo Macedoniaand the Hellesport;eft
r the ravaging of the land of the Maedi ai)o d**ptyer ei;Md*'ro,/d,
(P I u t. Sulla, 23).39,qbove. n. tg.40A p p. tu. 5. In this
parsage I accept the emendation ol ra@Aoatujt totE,t;d d),i, ; the
Thracian attack on Dlphi was 302 years aftt tJle Celtic lttack
onRome in 387. For discu&sioa sce G. D a u r. Delphes au l1e et
au lr si.cle. Paris, 1936,392-7; Brought n, MRR, II.59, n. 2;Th.
Ch. Srrik ak:5. . Op. cit- (n. 2Ot,14 nn.1-2. Not all Thracians
were hoctile to Rom at this time. Sadalas, the ling of the
Odry-sae, remrind faithful to the Roman ellianceiE the inscription
from Chaeronea, honour-ing Ametocus, son of Tere6, whom Sadaks h.d
evidently sent out to serve undr Sull,(HoI Ieau x. Etudes,I.
143-60).
li:i!- G. \, e r. ItE l,,iak.doDia..ot. ;6.1.6ls t r a b o. VIl,
i. I c- 323i (r- Vll. fgs- 33. 35i see P. C o I I a r t.
Art..i1.(l1,il), 1;S, r). lrr. T he Nestus 6eems [ohav.bcnthe
frobti.r again late., uDdcrtheempire.cf. P to L lll. 13. l-tt-tiSS
t r a b o. VII, fs. 48 (4? Loeb.), ,,l;lt,o;. ... ti: Mcxz'oiq;
Ettti oato iilttot, itt-,d,pei)""to llieoea 't'ouuio, *ri rci ulru
iy Yre$o,pilttzo, ; fg. 10.bbl- i v v- XLV. 29. 6.6?Tt " ii,ian
passage is ambigt/otrs since it is not cleai * hether ihe words
'praetr... Abdera' are to be taken *'ith taccessurum huic parti'or
with'qua Persu6 tenuissetuicos caslella oppida'i but pra"let must
here mean'except'rather than'as well
a!'(whichisrvhatitseemstomeanin L i v 1', xXXVIu, 56.3-5 see my
nore on P o ly b. XXI.46.1U in Commenta.y on Polybius, III (in the
press), since rpe &now that Abdera (L i v y.Xl.lll. 4. 1r-12 ),
Aenus and Maronea (P o I y b. XXX. 3. 3, 3. ,) wre all declared
ftt.U.Kahrstedt.BeitraBezurGeschichtederThrakischnChersones.Badn'Baden,195{,
48, is in error in shting that the three towns were included in
Macedonie PrimaiseeN r e s e. Ces(h'chte der griechischen und
heuenistischen Shatn. Gotha. 1903.III. 180.t ED r o d. XXXI. 8. 8,
the words alie i rltnc " All6ry!.o zai Magnnat ni -limtn"i' .
cannor bc used to interpret L i v y- XLV. 29. 6 (se previous note)
sinc;c; "'a t).i' is wescelins s "mendation of the MS;3?ir z(i69Op
cit. (n. l6 ), 8, 1 would no longer hold to the objections which I
raised aga-inst Jones'view in art. cit. (n. 56). 74.70t- " u . " ..
RG. III. {. 37Il p p. BC., IV. 87r s.e T. R i c e H o I me s.
Thearchitectof the RomanEmpirp, l. Oxford. 1928, 82-3, and map
facing 81 for the situalion of the Sapaei andCorDili' l9see C}rr.
M. D J n o v. op. c't (',. ;), 134./JWe know ol no nahed soverro!
of Macedonia between Metellus and LiciniusNen,a, whose praetorship
is to be datd 143 or 142 (since in it a revolt of a
Pseudoperseuswa-\putdou,nbyL.TrmelliusScrofa,hisqtraestor;cf.Livy.Per.53)iBroughton.MRR.l,{i2;Th
Ch.Se kakis.op.c,t. (n.22).38 9,1?0.i 4SEG, IIl. 451; P. K. S h e r
k. op. cit- (n. 4r); cf. G. R o m i o p o u I o u, BCH.98.
1t7,1.811.i5S" tl n t I e a u x. Etudes d dpigraphie et d'histoire
gques, V. Paris, 195?, 438-46i BI-ou gh to n lvlRR, I 438./bH. B. M
a I r in glt. NC, 9, 1969, 103-4;M. H.C rdw forC. Roman Rpu.blican
C^oinage. Cambridge, 19;{, L 239-40, no. 169.r/Pol)'b.xvlll 51
3:OCIS,339, jins 12 ff.icf. H. B e n g t s o n. Op. cit..rn. 1i
I,ll. 22;l.Sc(. rorc)(amplF. H. Ben g r son. Op..ir. (n. 2n).
,232,n. 2,eOp ctr n t6.:rl 3 when, for exanrple, Cicero ref.rs to
Piso's r.raladminjstra.tir)n 1n the iihcrsoncse (Prs. 66). rhis
cannot 5e passed as evidence that the Chrsonese\'ls prrt of Pisos
province. sin(o he also.efcrs to outrags in Pyzantium, whkh sas
anIS I r a l, o. \lll. I ?2. .. 591.' (,ClS 339. the Sesrrsn decree
honouring Menas, son of Menes, and daringshorLl\ .tfrer rh! *!,,1:.
ol .'\rislonicus. speaks of Menas' undertak;ng embassies a",i; L,
:n1.n,.,;;|,i.:,i1rt,;-i-,,tit":ia;'hou\i(t.,ti:tilt _.1oiozdt'ic
tr"totitot; z,.tto nd;b'rl rhis N:!\ \err narural iD the immediat
circumstance! of the bequest {nd the revol'
ar.i "," .1 ,r,rr r., itr'Ilv rh.,t SesLus was aarached from rhe
outset to the prolince of -Asi..'rt' c ,1c [.sr agr. ll. 50.
,\ll2licos agros in Cherronesoi lateEthis area. not
ne.ps.,,!,rusltheasrrpublrcr.p".$.lr'.roAg.ippa\iandrrDio.tir _9b.
.\-.9orr,. dor . . . .See lurlhfr A. H. M .l o n e s. Op. cit. (n.
16), 16-83For rhe eviderrQ s"e A. l.-. s h e r w i n-w h i r e.
Arr. cir. (n. 26).69. n. .tEOnlr- liir lliunr is lhere some doubt
whether its freedom was earlier than th Sulian
8 llt. H a ". a I l, l,l. H. C r a w f o r d, J. R e y n o I d
s. Rome and the aste.npoqp6,,r the cnd ol Ihe.ccond .enrurl B. C
-JRS.64. l9?4. 195-:20.n"l o r tl a n r s De sunrma temporum uel
origine actibusque sentis Romanorum,2rg (l,Ion. Grm. llist. V. l.
p. 28). ad postiemum a Marco (sic!) Didio et ipsi (sc.Thr:cesJ
subacli, et k)ca eorum in provinciam redacta, iugum excpit
Romanum-'
4lSae R. K. S h e r k- Roman docurnents fromno. '11 (letter of
Dolabella, c. 80-78 B- C.).42ob"equens, 59; cf. E u t r o p. VI. 2.
1: Th. Chthe Creek east, Baltimore, 1969,. Sarikak is.
Op,cit.(n.20),79-81 43E u t r o p. VI.2.2;;luf. Fest. Brv.7;l o r d
a n i s- De su.nnra tenrpcrum neloriSinc actibusque gentis
Romanorum, 216 (Mon. cerm. Hist. V. I, p. 2?); Th_ Ch. S a-r ik a k
i s. Op. cit. (n. 2O),82-5.44See above n- l.4!F. P a p a z o g I o
u. l, nom antique d Sveti Vraa (Sandanski), BCH, 8?, 1963, 537.46On
this question re M. c. M o r g a n. Q. Melllus Macedonicu! and the
pro-vince Macedonia - Historia, lA, 1969, 422--46.a/S tra b o. Vll,
7. 4. c 323;fgs.33,35;P.Co ert.Les milliaires de la ViaEgnatia- -
BOH, 100, 1976, 179, n. 18. Se above n. 15 for th boundaries
ofMacedo.nia Prima.48c i c. Pis. s?.19S t . " b ". VIt, ?. 4. c.
322 i se betow n. 56.]!See Chr. M. D a n o v.op. cit. (n. 7 ). I
4l-orHerod.Vll. 115.52So, rightly, S. C a s s o :r. Ma.edonia,
Thra(e and I yrra. Oxford. 1926, 43-DJL iv y. XXXIX.27. I0;cf XLIL
5t. 5 {on Paroreia)i4L iv v XXxVIll ,lo 6 ff55Even-if f o lyl-'.
Ill 39. 8 on the s[ing rp of:niiesrohes alon! the via Domitia in
southern G.rul is a posthumor.s additirn, it may r!ell derive from
a manuscript Dorlft by Polybius himself (see F. W. U a Iban k
Co$menrary on Polybius, III (in theprss), a_d^diiional note on lll.
39. 8 r.DbS t r ! b o Vlt, 7. 4. c 322. for what follows see my
note on,Thoriginal
x-tutoftheviaEgnatia.'-LiverpoolClassrcalMonrhtt.2.t9;7,;3 I
(rhough rhi; nore issuperseded in some details by the present
paper).57O U e r I u m m e r, RE,'Egnatia via'. col. 1990.
inexplicably takes the 1wo fi'
8!res to rpresnt the distanco starting from Apolloira aDd that
slarting from Dyrrhachium; yet Strabo explaiDs clearly that he is
concerned with two melhods of converting mp. into stades, and that
the junclion of the two branches is equidistant from both ports.565
t r a t o. VII. ts. 5? (56 Lo.b).59N, C. L. H a m m o nd.
Thewesternpartof theviaEgnatia. -JRS, 64, 19?4,192-4.60G. R a d k
e. RE, Suppl. B., 13, 19?3, Viae publieae Roftanae: Via
Egnatia,col. 1667.61ri. R o m i o p ou I o u. Un nouveau milliAire
de la via Egnatia. - BCH, 98,19?4, 813--6i cf. P. C o I I a r t.
Les milliairas de la via Egnatia, ibid.l00, 1976, 181-3,187 197-
no- 1.62po tyr. xxxlv. 12.3. =sr.rabo, vlt,'; 4 c.322
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lr
ii
I
l
H;iyjffi i;N;l,f*$','t*,"1 *r**fi-r,,*r*T*$.i"i;#:[ffi
#f'li-ii},,*:r:T:"fii*.T;:.',M H c r a w I o t d, J- R v n o r d s.
Art. cit.(n. 8{),2r3.*.*,'''^gf i',Ti".,"i,'i*f$,"H{fi;,..$;r,;f
,*r*,*j-ri*r,,,,.,::l "::**li$*iih1,l*i#
j:,:rir*jrr:!:.r"**,iii:n,:: ;:g}$$-*,,fli"m,*gm *rgffiffid{,Ht",fr
*fi$fl
i,,ffi*;lq[*-$+*'i'i'i-,,'i"i-'sir*.";;:lglii##u'rll#,,!.,.i't:;ll;id."liriilli.i1';c;,,^;:fr
;o4-.-s""",T,i{{{:}i,:ill}i,"*?::r;'il:*:h:*:::"r';;';"ir,"r"i'rr.-:::,'"{ffi
i+i$ +'l,i:[th- :. ":.." :ffi ; .;**iil$;lti::-,:""j; """. tr'fl
fii"T:i,:it i:"fiA :: jbe He,,enistic
wor,d,**.i:*i*gtr*lt$***':,,.'l;:lmrri]"..j,"il26
_ I l4.q.rt. cit. (n. r06).a8-49:rh;gg;s. ;' ;."i,.;i'.;;
?i;,i"*l,,,iT,iliy !J.",m"lfl*".i1,[.ffi :il"fff ;l;ffi q.t:Tlffi
;-ilt:fr f#,t'*::;'**ir";*nffi [i141,fi5ifrir;rffi;*#$x:;*m]r*ffi
:*"r*",,[fi;i?,+ff l,:Ti""**hlilfi.]1'si?%r:u.ll:ft pil.iilTr
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Studia in honorem Georgii Mihailov
ANTIGONUS GONATAS IN THRACE (2$-N1 R.C.)FRANI( W. WALBANI(
(Cambddge)
When Alexander's empire was divided up after his death, Thrace
was seParatedt orn i'it"""ao"i",nd allott;d to Lysimachus.'It was a
he tage that had. to be foughti"i-"rd. "i C"otei Mihailov has
suggestedr, it was Probably that struggle which kepti*l."it"r-J""f
the early conflIits of the succissors By the end -of the founhJri"*
Luiirni"r,u, had coifirmed bis hold on Thrace and bis new
foundation ofi-.i-i"rrli" (309i8) was intended to be the capital of
a kingdom stretching across,t'. Sii"iii ria coritroueo by a ruler
"with one foot in Europe -and the other ineSu.:' r-rrirn""r,ui;
oeatt it Corupedium in 28I led to the disintegration of hisi.i."a.-
i"O botb the Greek citiei of the cqasr and the local Thracian
dynasts".ir7J,-rr" orroitrritv to assert their freedom,3 Seleucus,
the victor, clearly aimed;i;;";;; 6,jtaet ptin, for he hoped to
combine Lysimachus' realm (which sincezgii"irriLJ trr" *iole'of
Maceclonia) with the seleucid Po-ssessions. stretching far*-to
-ttlu- S""""* would have reunjted a )arge section of Alexander's
emPire- Buti!l-",iJr'" *"t ii*it clown by Ptolemy Ceraunirs as he
crossed-over-into Europe andit" Sioitr-"ontiroed to bi: the
boundary between the Seleucid. realm and theii""J.- .f whoever
succeedcd in winning the north Balkan peninsula The four,.i?i,rliJ
sepiiate seleucus' victory over-Lysimachus' at Corupedium and lhat
ofi-rti".rr.- c"i"i". over the Gauls it Lysimicheia were to prove
decisive for theiriri". i,i u.itt Macedonia and Thracei and as a
tribute to lhe scholarhiP ofii.ot"t*i f.Aiftrifor, who has done so
much to further Thracian studies, I should liket" "i"-ir"
Antigonus' connections with Thrace during these, for him, all
impodantyeaIs.
1.Fotlowing the death of his father Demetdus Poliorcetes in 283
Antigolus was alinn-Jltt ori E Lineaom - if we except the Greek
cities over which he had been givenTV"li'Iiit il ilin bemetrius
left for the east in 28116.The Greek and Armenianiex'ts of the
kinp. lists in Eusebius (based on Porphyry) assign Gonatas ten
years-ii" iir- a. rfi" ,"blesa and they explain the disciepancy
from the facl lhat he;;i-;;;;r-;"; v.iti in ct"... "uelore
conquering Macedonia They are thus
;;;;. ;;i i;;, zSilo uut ttorn 2832 (he Macedonian vear
following Demetrius'i.rri'rilgil.j wr'iiii-s antieonr. haiboured
during thase yea$ and how soon he.J"r.i" a.Jra.a i" eo all out ior
the conquest of Macedonia is unknown But theii"""ii'*lrJh 6rri*Eo
on I-ysi.act'ul defeat and death in 281 was entirely.to
hisadvantase and it is clear rhat over next few years he had his
eyes on Macdonia andil;;;;; r,. lirn"rt.o a series of incursions
into Macedonia and the area aroundthe Straits.503
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An important text for these events survives in a fragment of
Philodemus ,[sQlrd:v Ercouxdrv, which is preserved in two papyri
(1. Herc. 155 fg. 8.5 and 339 col. 5).This fragment, which was
published by A, Mayero, contains part of a demonstrationthat the
exaggerated figures.for the length of Zeno's life Siven by
Demetrius ofScepsis (101 years) and Apollodus of Tyre (98 years)
derive ftom forged letterspurporting to be part of a cofiespondence
between Zeno and Antigonus Gonatas(cf. Diog. Laert. 7. 6 f.) in
which Zeno claims to be 80 (or, according to anotherreading, 90) in
Antigonus' first year as king of Macedooia. As part of theargument
disqediting these unreal figures the papyrus ftagments give a brief
andoften illegible ac.ount of certain events occur ng durilg the
relevant years, whichwould have precluded the write! from writing
in the terms recorded in the "letter"eitlrer in the (Athenian)
archonship of Euthius (now fixed as 28312) ot in that ofAnaxicrates
(27918). Henca, the argument runs, the letters must be forged and
theconclusions resting on them must be rejected.The p nted text,
based on the two papyri, unfortunately contains restorationswhich
depend on Mayer's assumptions about the contents and these ha\'e
iutroducedsome elements of confusion. Mayer prints the relevant
passage as follows:
unattractive suseestion that oDe should read ro0 p[i1
d]v[o]IcpBdverv Only thei""JGi" p"p]iss is involved here sirce in
pap' 339 the whole of the relevantohrase is illesible." ---Wt r, we
ire dealing witb in this Passage is a very brief proof of- lle Pr
oPosixonth"t ui * ti-i U"tore 277 was Antigonus in a position of
power in-Macedonia such". *"rfi-uffo, tirn to speak of hirns;lf (as
he apPears to db in the forged letters) ast, ""*;;a;i ali the
Mdcedonians (line l0). In -particular two dates are singled-
o-ut;;;;'i;i; ;;irn;"silute. rt'" Iirst is lhe Athenian archonship
of Eutbius (283i2),rrt',[L is ttrus corifirmed as the first regnal
year (i.e. from I Dios) of Antigonus.followinp the death of
Demetrius Poliorcetes in the year 28413: as Chambers hasshownreJit
was indeed from 283/2 that Antigonus later decided to date his
reign' Thesame claim was eouallY impossible for the year of
Ana).icrates, 27918 This was theiirst Macedonian 'v.ui;n iutti.tt
the thron! was unoccupied, since Ceraunus hadoerished in
Januaiy/February 279, fighting against the Gauls. and Melea&er
andAntioater had toeether ruled only another three and a half
monlhs'" I hca.nrment is hiehlv-comDressed and,'whether
deliberately or not. does not mentionFi'ni"., c.rur-o"i bv nime. lt
concludes that in Euthius' archonship Antigonus didnoi ooir.tt
Macedonia nor (probablv, since the text here is considerably
restored)JiO h. y", have any kingdom aL al[. Whai reasons wer
given.for excluding theu."horsirip of Anaxikrate-s we can only
surmise, since the text breaks off at thatooint. Bui before that
the arqumenl ii supported by four sratements. The last of[rr".".
etg' imoov. . . iipEqio (or dpxerdi). lt is generally and Properly
agreed'must reter 10 Aitisonus' victory at Lysimacheia in 277. (But
clearly ooe may notrrse the restored ph-rase Eltcouv y'l as
evidence that somethjng happened three yearsiarlier.) Before'the
mention of Antigonus' beginning to rule Macedonia threeottei fi.ts
are Usted: (l) lines 2-3: someone prcvented someone else from
takingpoiiir.ion of the kingdLm. In the context the person
Prevented must.be AntiBonuslnd rhe t
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109s^\ lr pue LLz o! 6Lz euof uro{ Iorluoc uI sE,,r\ seueqlsos
(.Ia1el sraed dgq Supp,(q uehlq uoijo sriuo8quy se) so?alotls se
sdoorl eqt ppuuuruoc pu? allll lBltoloqt pesnJer '8llDI pelcala
q8noql 'oqa,r seueq]sos urEua, ? Jo lolluoc oql lapun
IIqeruopece;,1 'dr[qd .raqlorq s(rapuessEJ Jo uos eql 'reledpuy Pu?
reaeeler\ raqlorqs,rur-etoti f,q iurar goqs regv pqEI eql ol soeqo
rq8norq peq (647 ,tuzn:qeg7f,.renue1 ur) ,(ua1o14 ;o qleep oqt pue
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l
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during this time, probably ln 2'18, lhat Artigonus made a second
attemPt onMacedonia, following his peac with Antiochus. Accordiog
to Philodemus, as we haveseen, be defeated a peofle whose name has
survived in the papyrus on)y as ivov,but was then expelled frbm
Macedonia and driven back into Asia. This implies aninvasion based
on Asia Minor (presumabty can'ied out with the tolerance
ofAntiochus) and so evidently by way of the Chersonese, in which
case the people hedefeated mav have been the Caeni, who lived to
the nortb of the Chersonese andliter had thir name applied to it
(or to part of it);as Kor]v6v would fit the lacunasatisfactorily
and the maln objection to it as a restolation is a certain doubt
whetherone can expect a reference to this comparatively unimportant
PeoPle in such anabbreviated'summary of events. No obvious
alteinative presents its6[, however.nAntiochus' expulsion to Asia
was only temporary, Had he remained there long, hispresence wouid
soon have become both irksome and threateniDg to his Dew
allyAntiochus rind by 277 he was back on the European side of the
Straits nearLysimacheia. It was here that he was to deliver the
final blow against the Gauls whichsecured him his kingdom. Once
again Thrace was to be the iumping off ground forMacedonia.
4.Antigonus'crowning victorywas against the Gauls. When Brennus
marched southon his ill-fated attack on Delphi in 27918, a group
was left behind "ad terminosgentis tuendos" (Just. 25.1.2) aud it
was probably i^ 277 that lhey affned a forc of15,000 infantry and
3,000 cavalry and, after defeating the Getae and the Triballi
inThrace, made'demands on Antilonus. Accordjng toiustin,aT he was
at this time inMacedonia, but the site of the subsequent battle
with the Gauls was Lysimacheia, so
almost certainly he was stationed on the Thracian Chersonese.
All our evidencepoints to his not having gained possession of
Macedonia until aften his victory overihe Gauls.a8 How he came to
be in Thrace is not recorded. Perhars, as Tarnsuggested,ae he had
been invited over by the Greek cities who had alreadyexperienced
the ravages of an earlier Gatlic band, led by Leonnorius aDd Luta
us.' The events leading up to Antigonus' victory are recorded by
Justin,e whodescribes how the Gauls sent envoys to Antigonus, who
aroused their greed by agreat display of wealth and then laid an
ambush for them by leaving his campapparently deserted. When night
came, the Gauls plundered the camP and wer-eaiticking the ships
when Aniigonus' troops fell upon them and - inllicted suchslaughtei
that he was able lo set himsell up in Macedonia without any
fearhenieforth of attacks either from the Gauls^ or from any other
of his fierceneighbours. This story is riddled with inconsisteDcies
lt suggests -al the outset thatAnfigonus showed t[e Gauls his
wealth and strong forces with the -otject. ofintim]dating them, oot
having realised that the sight of the ch-es -would furtberinflame
the'ir greed. But thenl when they approach by night, we find that
the kinghas after all fireseen their move and, having stripped the
camp in advence, hashidden his forces in a wood - presumably in
order to fall uPon the Cauls when theyenter the camp. But in fact,
-after some hesitation, they. overrun the camP withimpunity and ale
attacked only *ehn they begin to plunder the ships - and tbatto6,
noi by the forces lying in arnbush, but by the rowers artd such
troops as hadfled, along with their wives and children, The men
stationed in tlte wood are notmentioned again. This disjointed and
illogical narative suggests that Antigonuscommanded i mainly
mercenary army, whose aposkeue was stored near the ships andthat he
was perhari less well prepared to cope with the Gallic attack than
Justinimpljes. If rhrt is so, his victory wq! the fortunate outcome
of an iDcident which verynearly went disastrously wrong."
5.However that may be, Antigonus was victo ous and he now took
possession ofMacedonia. Once installed at Pella, his interest
centred on his new kingdom, andhis ]ands and cities irl Greece.
Thmce seems no longer to have concemed him. Forthis there is
numismatic evidence. Lysimacheia continued to mjnt coins
ofLvsimachus aod never went over to coins of Artiochus I, which
suggests that theaiea of coastal Thrace east of the Nestus remained
a sort of no man's land betweenthe Antigonid and Seleucid
kingdoms.s2 How far Macedonian power extended to theeast is n;t
clear. Under Philip iI th" eastern boundary was the Nestust5r and
thoughPhilip V was to extefld the kingdom to take in Maronea beyond
that river and
Aenus beyond the Hebrus, it is likely that utrder Antigonus
Gonatas the Nestusremained the frontier. A decree from the
Macedolian city of Philippi dating to24312, towards the end of
Antigonus' reign, registers the intentiol of that city tosend an
escort of mercenaries to accompaly Coan theorci on the next stage
of theirjoumey to Neapolis, which lay west of the Nestus on the
coast oPPosite Thasos. Thathas been taken as evidence that Neapolis
was not at that time under Macedoniancontrol.Sa But, as N. G. L.
Hammond has pointed out to me, such an escort wouldhardly have been
welcomed by an independent city and could well have-prejudicedthe
r;ceprjon of the Coan theoroi. The assigning of these trooPs moie
likely poinlsro the obposite conclusion, that Neapolis was within
Macedonia but that the regionbetwee[ Philippi and Neapolis was
dangerous to the theotoi eith?J from brigands orfrom Thracian-
marauders-. Tbe evidence of coin hoards suggests that
Antigonusexercised no influence in eithet Thrace of the Danube
area, \rhere after the time ofLvsimachus and Demetrius Poliorceles
links seem mainly to be with the Seleucidsuid, (o som" extent, witb
the Attalids.5s It seems likely too that Anligonus did notuse this
area to recruit mercenaries. If he did, Thracian mercena es were
Paid insomething other thao Macedooian coins, which is (rot prhna
facie impossible- Thetotal am;unt of Macedonian silver which can be
deduced ftom tbe number ofsurviving specimens - on the favourable
assumPtion, v,'hich is probably corect,that bot-h the Pan-head and
Poseidon-head coins of "Antigonus" were emitted byGonatas56 - can
hardly have sufficed to financ the hiring of mercenaries as wiell
asthe payinA of officials by the government and the paying of taxes
by the inhabitantsof Maiedonia. It seems inescapable therefore tbat
foreign trade to aDd fromMacedonia must have made coniiderable use
of currencies other than Macedonianand the same may have been true
for the paying of mercenarjes. But of obviousalteroative "nrrenlies
which might have been used for this purpose, is a dea h ofAthenian
silver too in Balkan hoards. Furthermole. the first reference to
Thracianmercenades io an Antigonid army is under Philip V;)/ none
are recorded atSellasia.Summing up, Antigonus' relations with
Thrace seem to have been casual andrestricted to-thi coast;l areas.
For a time Lysimachus had united Thrace andMacedonia in a single
kingdom; and Seleucus'bold and ambitious plan would havelirked both
with Asia Minor and areas further east. But the successive deaths
ofSeleucus and Ptolemy Ceraunus and the Gallic invasion together
put an end to this.Antigonus used the ahersonese as an approach to
tr4acedonia, but once establishedther;his ambition was to
PerPetuate a dynasty in Macedonia, where his father hadreigned,
protectjng and restoiing its no hem and eastern limits against
barbadanincursioni but with its face tumed towards Thessaly and
Greece, which were secured bywhat Philip v calied the three fetters
- Demetrias, Chalcis and Colinth. Meanwhile theremnants of lhe
Gauls de{eated at Lysimacheia set up a kingdoln at Tylis in
Thraceand this, as Georgi Mihailov has vividly demonstrated.-
thrust a barrier
508 s09
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NOTf,St Arhenae,m 39 (1966). 35.2 \vill, Cf E. Hi:toirc
potitique du nande he lnisique (323-30 av. J. c'), 1, (Nancy,
1979), 98;Canb: Anc. Ht't. ed.2, VILI (Cambndge. 1984).
ll0.'Mihailov. art. ot. (n.1) 38.' See K. J. Beloch, Gricchbche
Getchichte, V1.2 (Berlin-Leipzig, f927\, 115; FG.H 260 F 1,121
Ciamben. M. AIP 15 tt954). 185-94.^ Phitot. 71 ,19t2t. 2zs-32.7 An.
cir. (11.6) 226.3 An. cit. (n.6) 231.' Class. Phil. 9 1t91q.267
n.2.'o llid. 19 (1924). 68.'t rNr s4 t1914\. 34 n.42.I Antgonos
Gonatos (Oxfotd, 1913) 477 addenda.'' So alreadv GriI', Riv. ,1. 9l
{1963). 288.lj G. Nactrtirgaet, Les Caiates en Gii et tes Soteio de
Detphes (Brussets, 1977), 143 n. 78.'5 An .it an I3r 28416 Through
sime abena.ion bo.h Tarn (JHS 5a f1934) 67 n.2) and P. Lveque
lPynhos l?ais.195?) 574) assum the word elided to be nap[Xowo
(sic). The imperfecr would of course be ,roQE{Io1aobut a pressenl
tcnsc is called for here, cf. dxr[rrr!(." An. .ii {n- 13) 288rs An.
cir. in. loi 67 n.3.re Art. ci!. (n.5) 385-94.
'zo Porphyry. nGia 2A F 3.10, Euseb. 1.235 Sch.; Just,
24.5.12-6.3 (omittin8 Meleager andAnristhenes); Diod. 22.4.I A.t.
zit (n. 11) 34.a Heinn. H. anersKhun$en zu, he enictischen
Geschichte des 3. Jah*tuderts v. Chr. ZutGeshich@ der Zeit des
Ptoletuios Keftunos und zum Chremonideischen kiege (Histotia
Einzelsch ft20) (Wiesbaden, 1972), 67-8.n Op. c,t. (n. 14) 143.r"
Just. 24.1.1-2.b ftsr. 24.1.3-4. See Chr. Habjcht, Unterstrchmgen
.ur politi.schen Geschichte Athens im 3.lahrhunde v. Crr. fvestigia
20) (Munich. 1979) 83-4 and, or the revoh generally E. Witt.
Hist_pot_(n.2, l'/. 108; Camb. Anc tJr.fl. ed.2 \41.1.I16.: Cf. B.
D. Mei!, Hespetia 4 (t9J5). 577.:: Cf. Just- 24.1.8: Heinen, op.
.ir. {n 22) 67.- Heinen, op. cir. (n.22) 67-8, while acceptjng ihe
interpretation defended here, argres thar arererenc ro Lhe peace
beLween Anrrgonus and Antiochus remains a possibiliry.l! So
Nachtdrgacl, op. cit. (n. lZ) D. I9I.' Tbe evideoce is jn Memnon,
FGrff F 8.4-6; Just, 24,1.8*2.1. Boti agree in dating
Antigonus,atlack before Ceraunus' inlrigue to secure Cassandrea by
malryjng Arsinoe, who held ir. This chronologyis preferable to that
in Just. 17.2.6-10, which reverses the order of rhe two events. See
Heinen, op- cii.h.22\ 64.. rr On rhis see Tarn. op cii O. 12) 114;
K. Buraselis, Dar hellenistische Makettonien und dieASlis:
Forschungen zw Poliik des Kostohdto! tud det drei et\en Antigoniden
it11 A1tiischei Mftt undin We-srkleinaspn (Muncherer BeruaBe ?3)
(Murich. I982J, 152nrr Heinen. Cf. op. cir. (o.22) 65. Wben Ptotemy
Sained possession of Lysimachus, fleer is uDknown,sinc its role in
the struggle with Seieucus is not recorded. It seems likely that it
sailed cast to coverLysimachud crossing inro Asia at the
Hellespont; but whether ir tben sailed down the coast of Asia
Minorand what happened to it after Corupedium is unknown. It
probably Iell into Seleucus'hands, retumed rothe Straits at tle
tirne of his.crossing to Lysimachcia and was ihen annexed by
Ptotemy.
between northem Thrace and the Greek world to the south, which
caused a witheringof those promising developments revealed at
Seuthopolis, in the splendid tomb atKazauluk and in the
Panagyurishte treasure.
Heinn, op. dt. (n.22) 65.Memnon, FGrd 434 F 8.6Memnon, FG.H 434
F 8.6 Arri Ma,.ie6ovirw 6r6P!, 'rai pEl3(i(,g Eole tlv dp;{p,.I
Ldveque. op. cil. (n. t6) 27? ff.. Heinn. op. ",i. rr. zzj 61.ro
Sce L'rr 17 ? 123? Ruehl ha; indicated a lacuna in Justin ar this
point (17.2.13) and the word rd introducing rhesentence suggcsts a
contrast between Ptolemy, who could not plead weakness of resources
for puttingPyrrhus off, and therefore sent him reinforcements, ard
the orher rwo wlo have been mentioired. Iiyrrhus off, and therefore
sent him reinforcements, ard the oiher rwo wlo have been
mentroired.
seems Ikelv lhal tn a mEsing senl.nce Jutlin eYphrned llar
AnLrgonu! and An-'io'hus excusedii".."r,"".',r,.1"""" bicause"of
hi" recenr dcieut. the r3lrer becaus' of his comnxtments in
A\ra'(,.lil'"ir'"i ,"* ..rta exDla,n whv Pvrrhus acconrpanied a
deruend for belp from Anrigorus rn 275 arrhe rrme ol lhe blrrle ot
Bencvcirtum (Jusr. 25'l l-2)' wrtl Ilreats'*- 'iit-Jr;4. i;l.i-r.
;raggciatcs tle scopi of the revolr. on this se will. Hist' pol \n'
21\' tt)8, canlb'er- nitt-eii.. z,, .frt.i.itoi'noetia ana Megara
senL contjngents lo ThermoPyeae In the GaUic crisis inl;s ii';;'.
lolb:*+r and mav hnve thro-wn off Anlgonus now: c[' Tarn oP' cir'
(n' 12) ]J2 n' 44'-' f'r.-s.i*h. op. .ir rn. li lv I t1925). 561:
Feigusor. Hellc'nnn A't1?ns {Lndon' l9ll)' 155'to-61 gut;.6;;'s,6p.
crt tn.3ll li2 who comParei Demernus allack on th Thraoan
Chersoflescshor v after IDsus {Plul. Deft?, 31.5)- ---i' O,
irrd-*"i ira rhe peace see Mamnon, FG,fl 43,4 i0:JusL 24'1 1.25 1.l
0CIS219 - tnschr'Ilion 32. .f. L. Robn, .Am. Shtd Paplr' 1 (1966)
1t5-21t.a2 Paus. 10.20.5." 3i si;i'li", ip. "tt. (n.31) 114-1e.
\Nitt, Hbt Pot. {n 2) 1'?109 thinks Artisonus renouncedall
amb;tions in Asia.-' -- Asainst Tarn, oD flt (n. 12) i68 and
Beloch. op cn' In JJ IV 2 l55 ff' 5ee H Bengtson 'renrns"';i iii
titl""i',ichen Zet )t (Munchener Berrrirge 32) (Munich l9aar' J36
ft'r Buri'e)is op'.it rn 3rl 117-18.-' "l!"ir -e *. Walbank.
,4lrfrrsrorr.iche Studien: Herman Bengtson am 70. Gebuft:tag
.ktr$ebrachtfwiesbaden, 1983), 143'4 - Setected PdPers (Cahbridge,
1985) 205-6'o6 For suseevrons sec abovc, nn.8- I0o' :us. zi.:.t,
cum in Ma(edonian revefleletur'"o ir,ii " ;.pri.a b] Ihe tr(lrian
decree quoled below in n 50''o oD. cir. (n. 12) 165.t ii. **..t fo;
Ihe baltle of Lvsimacheia 0r Ding' Ledfl 2l4li Just 25 l'l-2'7' A
decree..,.d b, il;;lb;;;;i v.*j".u. ,i e'.',iu rpeaks of t-lre king
as havins come inro hi\ own paxn;;;r';;.-i;;; ffi.Bd;tli,ooov,u-",
t;g rilv 6ici" a phrase commonrv used oJ lho'e lerulr)rns l'om
";'r" ii;;. il;i. i;. izi iee'n. toqr; ina an arrrcnirin
l,ooorarv decrce ror Heliclrtus Pa$eJ c 250ifrii'iii
i".'.;i.'i,.isl-;it ';;;k of erecring srrrai tso Konroteon readrns
orr)'los rarher rhanipj;fti J;,"i;i i" *..,,' io," [rd,r
flaoLrpi-,IlFreaYuFi r,v ,'o6E roir-s BopBapous i"l'p ris
r&Jii.Lir',, * ou,tnoic,c rSv1L 4(tIr cf. J and L Roben. Btll.
cpiS' 1965. l4Z\""''i'*1, h;'.i;;;'.d ,i'ur ar,igonut ,,"tory *as
panlv due ro a panrc among the GaL'ls and thar rhis** ,ttli;"i;; t;
ii;;;a rin. ir,i" typott "& resis on tlre eudence of sih'er
tetradrachms showins aii;;';J i;;,;;,;-;;d on a Maced6;irD shield
on the obvene and on fie reverse Arhena
Alcidemus,"aii"*.ia16."iii,.'Avlwovou.toge rerwithbro ze coins with
Alhena'shead oD ihe obverse and onii. .i,1,.i p"iii"ri"e',0 or
cio*ning ) troptrv.rth rhe lerre-s Fu and a monogram ofAnrisoous
rHcad'Ai,ii,ii ii",i,i..i'. i to*rora. i-9Ir) 232:cr. l' Merksr.
ANSMN a rI:60).'14-52) Bur no 'ource;;i;;' .;"i; i panrc or
epiphanv ol Pan. ool rs hc reprelented on a Maccdorrrn corn
sPecificallvii"r.J *r'i,ii" ,lit"* rrr co'nia,ns rhe word Bo.or
and,tr:brpolitur: cf F Heicheurerm AJPflrl94l)3i;-3; N;;;;"";1.
o'p. i't tn. t+) I?7-q anA especiallv n zllr' Thele rs Do reason to
a
