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    DidJanuary abortthe truerevolution? Ion Manticore is a fake name of the blogger who wrote on Post- revolutionary Stress Disorder

    blog. He wrote about the reasons of different egypian people acts.concerning the revolution:To read the full articlehttp://postrevolutionstress.did-/ / /blogspot.com january-abort-true-revolution.html

    w w w . a n h r i . w a s l a . n e t

    01MAR-2014

    What Egypt really needs is morefreedom on the personal level. Thathas been Egypts main illness fordecades if not centuries. More free-doms does not entail more activistsTweeting, or more Leftists blog-ging from the AUC student union on

    MacBooks. Freedom is a more fun-damental concept that entails edu-cation, illumination, and exposure.I believe that this kind of change isinevitable, but I also believe thatit is debatable whether the Janu-ary revolution has expedited, hin-dered, or even aborted for the timebeing this kind of change.Egypt is a conformist and uniformsociety. Yes, there might be somesemblance of local variation, theremight be a much discussed sectar-ian rift, and there might be socialclasses with clear differences. ButEgypt is as mono-cultural as theycome. Everyone is expected to be-have the same way, read the samethings, watch the same shows, like

    the same stuff, start similar fami-lies, and lead similar lifestyles. Ifyou are a middle class woman, youare expected to dress a certainspeci c way; an upper class wom -an, another very speci c way. Thistranscends all lines in Egypt. Theupper class is no less conservative(even if it appears on the surfaceto be more westernised) than themiddle class. Christians are proba-bly more conservative than Muslimsin most situations.What this leads to is a situationwhere innovation is sti ed. You haveto follow a path prescribed to youby society since birth. If your scoresin high school exit exams are good,there is no way in hell you can pur-

    sue your dream and talent of beinga pianist. If you want to marry a girlyou like who is outside your socialniche, you can rest assured that the

    for freedom was trickling down tothe middle and lower middle class-es. It was a slow process, but it wasa sure process.

    And then the revolution happened.It was lead by the upper middle

    class (and the Islamists if we are toget real) who had decided that theMubarak regime was the main/onlyobstacle to achieving their dreamof a more free society. But the re-ality is Mubarak was never a hurdleor a real accelerant of the process.His reforms may have helped in theliberalisation of part of society, butthat wasnt the direct intent. Norwas there a direct intent to do theopposite. Mubarak was a techno-crat. A decrepit and old technocratperhaps, but still a technocrat notan ideologue.As the revolution continued the up-per middle class discovered thatthe hordes who had joined themhad not joined for the same rea-

    sons. Freedom was not part of theiragenda. In fact, a large component,the MB had joined to achieve theexact opposite of more freedoms.The MB had joined to achieve evenmore uniformity in society, a unifor-mity based on the MBs fascist ideaof what the ideal citizen shouldlook like. But the bulk of the bodyof the revolution was people whojoined because they were promisedthey would get richer if Mubarakwas removed.The middle and working classes hadyet received the same exposurethe upper middle class had. Theyhad not achieved any convictionthat Egypt needs more freedoms.They needed more time, more ed-

    ucation, more interaction, andmore enlightenment to reach thatpoint. Thats why when time cameto make choices, they made choic-

    social backlash will be so consistentand ferocious that the relationshipwill fail. This translates into a deepsocial belief in lack of freedom atall levels, lack of social freedoms,lack of economic freedoms, lack ofacademic freedoms, and lack of ar-

    tistic freedoms.But this was de nitely on its wayto change. In 2010, it seemed thatEgypt was de nitely not the same.The upper middle class was grow-ing so steadily that it managed tobecome the new powerhouse ofEgypt instead of the classical upperclass. The new rising middle classwas fuelled by foreign investmentand multinationals owing in afterMubaraks much maligned econom-ic reforms. And things were com-pounded by an information accessexplosion of epic proportions asthe Internet became more acces-sible. Suddenly the upper middleclass was exposed to how peopleelsewhere lived, not through mov-

    ies, but through actual interactionor even direct observation as thenewfound wealth allowed them totravel abroad on vacations. Andsuddenly there was a growing trendof people deciding that what soci-ety has always dictated might notbe necessarily right.Suddenly people were talking aboutwhy its not OK for girls to ride mo-torcycles. People were for the rsttime seriously backlashing againstthe social push to cover up women.Nostalgia about the more sociallyliberal (but still conformist and uni-form in its liberalism) sixties grew.And people started pursuing crazybusiness ideas beyond the con nesof the old dictates of becoming an

    engineer or a doctor.And it was trickling down. Notjust the wealth, or not mainly thewealth, but the ideas. The desire

    es that were not based on achiev-ing more freedoms, but insteadfollowed promises of wealth and/or stability.And can you blame them? Afterall, the leadership of the revo-lution, the activists, turned into

    some of freedoms worst enemies.They issued black lists, called forpolitical disenfranchisement ofthousands of people, ostracisedmillions of people for electoralchoices, and even made decisionsabout which art was acceptableand revolutionary and which artwas vulgar and reactionary. In theaftermath of the nihilistic land-scape created by the activistsafter the revolution, why wouldanyone not look for a solution thatwould at least guarantee a mini-mum level of stability needed fornormal humans to function prop-erly.So in a way, perhaps January wasa setback in the inevitable path

    of society liberalising. Perhaps wewere on a path where increasingnumbers of people were gettingconvinced that breaking socialnorms is not necessarily bad. Andat one point, a true critical masswould be created where societywould change itself by itself. Afterwhich, a change in the governingsystem or regime would only bea technicality. Instead, the revo-lution theorised that trouble wasentirely with the regime or thatthe regime somehow was blockingsocial growth (which is demonstra-bly false, the regime was obliviousto it). The focus on deconstructingthe regime thus created a situationwhere chaos and vulnerability have

    become very solid concerns not justconspiracy theories. The backlash isinevitable, but it will cost us yearsof social development.

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    THE DAY WE EGYPTIANSLOST OUR MOMENT

    Zienobia spot on the photos of Egyptian families who get out to celebrate with Elsisi instead of jan revolution, celebrating with some put military shoes on their.heads

    :To read the full articlehttp://egyptianchronicles.blogspot.

    the-future-that-we-/ / /comdo-not-want-to-see.html#more

    w w w . a n h r i . w a s l a . n e t

    01MAR-2014

    THE DAY WE EGYPTIANS LOST OUR MOMENTThere is not a shadow of a doubt in my mindthat we, the Egyptian people, have been out-witted.There are very few moments in time that de-cide the course of history. They come every50 years, once a century, or even furtherD-SC02825 apart. Our generations Moment wasJanuary 25, 2011. A critical build-up of recentevents amassed the emotions of an alreadyseething Egyptian population and our Momentwas born. Millions of Egyptians took to thestreets for 18 daysblah blah blah We allknow the story. And we know the uglinessthat followed.Providence gave us a moment because wewere able to unite as a people when it reallymattered. We saw our chance and held ontoit for a full 18 days. And thats why the storyends there. If a Moment is to truly change thecourse of history, its people must hold onto itand never let it go. We let go after 18 daysand went back to our old ways of conniving,distrusting, and power struggling.Egyptians are a nation of people who pridethemselves on their street smarts. We arewitty, we drive a hard bargain, and we haveour eyes on you. That is what well tell you.Dont believe it. The reality is that we arevery easily deceived. All it takes is for ouropponent to treat us as if he believes wereas smart as we think we are.We insisted on deposing Mubarak. Mubarakstepped down. We may never know if hedid this completely willingly or if the armydealt a heavy hand. The latter seems a tadmore likely. There was a situation that need-ed to be contained. And there was an oppor-tunity perhaps that was ripe for the taking.We insisted on elections. We got them. TheBrotherhood and the remnants of Mubaraksdissolved National Democratic Party had astrong enough infrastructure and support onthe ground to produce two strong candidates.All other parties and groups completely failedto unite. It was almost inevitable. And some-one had the insight to know it.In elections, the majority of voters chose theBrotherhood to take Parliament and to takethe presidency. It was only a matter o f time.As the days and the weeks went by; as the po -lice, the army, and the judiciary made sure tosupport a state of chaos and insecurity on theground; as the Brotherhood made one majorfuck-up after another; the Egyptian peoplegrew weary and wary. It was almost inevita-ble. And someone had the insight to know it.If theres something weirdAnd it dont look goodWho you gonna call?Why, the Egyptian military, of course.Egyptians had reached a stage of exhaustion,frustration, and fed-upedness with the Broth-erhood plus the general state of affairs thatthey were in need of a hero. We are a na-

    tion of people who glorify heroes. We alwayshave. We glorify our ancestors. We glorify ourparents. We glorify our presidents and lead-ers. We glorify our religious scholars. And al-most above all else, we glorify our warriors.And a hero we were given. Abdel-Fattah Al-Si-si, Commander in Chief of the Egyptian ArmedForces, rose from the ashes of the Brother-hood in all his Nasser-like glory and promisedthe Egyptian people heaven. With the helpof a propaganda machine that has a thoroughunderstanding of the Egyptian mind-set, wegroveled at Sisis feet with utmost sincerity.In he dashed with his heavy artillery and ridus of our enemy. And we danced and sang.Anyone who made enough trouble for Al-Si-si to notice him was thrown in jail. No moretroubles. The Egyptian people were fed upwith trouble. Al-Sisi was here to restabilizeour country. And as we rejoiced, we foundourselves convinced that we wanted him tostay.And thus, despite growing numbers of edu-cated and very talented Egyptians (we say ofourselves that if an Egyptian goes to work andlearn abroad he reaches the highest levels o fthat society); despite a sort of an underly -ing desire of the Egyptian people to have ademocracy; despite our street smarts; be -cause of our still high levels of illiteracy andclose-mindedness to the world; because of alacking understanding of democratic process;because of our short sightedness; because ofour impatience; and because of our naivety;we nd that we removed one military leaderonly to grovel and bring another in his place.We all keep asking ourselves: Where did wego wrong? What were the alternatives? Whatare the alternatives now?If you ask me, Id say that when the non-Broth-erhood non-NDP parties failed to come to-gether in a real united front, it was then thatwe lost our Revolution. But certainly thereare many more terribly complex factors thatled us to where we are now.In the end, our biggest mistake was lettinggo of our Moment in our jubilation of depos-ing one man. For it was not merely one manmost of us were r evolting against. We wererevolting against a regime. We were revolt-ing against oppression. We were revoltingagainst corruption. We let go of our Momentbefore any of that was even addressed. Andthat is when we were at our weakest as apeople: in our strongest Moment.It takes very little insight to see that ourgeneration has lost its chance. It may takeanother 20, 50, or 100 years for a new his-tory-changing moment to arrive in Egypt.All I can say is that if were not here whenit comes, our children will be. And all I canhope is that when it does come, we willhave learned our lesson and we will holdonto that moment for dear life and neverever let it go.

    The FutureThat We donot want to

    see in #EgyptToday was another round of Morsi trialsaga where the ousted president shout-ed at the judge behind a glassed cage re-minding him on he is and some defendantswere found out to be dead in Gaza as wellto be prisoners in the Israeli prisons forseveral years now before January 2011.Still nothing captured my eyes in this trialexcept one picture or rather a scene thatcaptured the eyes of photographers wait-ing outside the police academy where thetrial is held.By Mohamed HossamIt is like the famous quote in George Or-wells 1984 If you want a picture of thefuture,imagine a boot stamping on a hu-man face forever This girl is the future of Egypt and the mil-itary boat represents the military and yougot El Sisis poster in the back.This is afuture I do not want to see in Egypt. I donot think anyone with dignity and hope forthis country would like to see this futureor picture.Here is the complete family.

    By Mahmoud Khaled /AFPTo be honest I want to throw those mil-itary boots in the face of those parentsfrom El Sisi supporters. The photographersas I hinted above did not leave them alone, in fact the parents seemed to enjoy theattention.The girls do not look happy the way I seeit.There is no difference between this fami-ly and the Muslim Brotherhood when theymade the children wear shrouds in Rabaasit in. There is no difference between thisfamily or the orphanage that made littlegirls wear summer cocktail clothes carry-ing El Sisi posters from couple of weeksago.Unfortunately the photos of adults includ-ing elderly with military boots over theirheads spread recently in Egypt thanks toEl Sisi-Mania in very shameful sad scenes.This has nothing to do with respect andlove of the army or the country , this hasto do with basic self respect and dignity.Enough of this disgusting hypocrisy. If youlove your country and your army , you donot need to humiliate yourself and humil-iate your kids.

    Nadia El-Awady writes about the moment of her life, which she and millions of .Egyptians youth had lost their chance to change EgyptTo read the full articlethe-day-we-egyptians-lost-our-/ / / /http://nadiaelawady.wordpress.com /moment

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