, () , ,

, () , , .

1. ( )

2. ( )

3. ( )

4. ( 134 )

5. ( )

6. ( )

7. ( )

8. ( )

1

.

.

(, the Eulogy toward the Images of Vairocana Buddha Monjushiri Samanthabhadra), , the Eulogy toward the Images of Amitabha Buddha),

1. ''

2. ''

3.

4.

5. ''

6. ''

Yogacara (Consciousness-Only) and Avatamsaka(Flower Garland) in Silla Buddhism

The Flower Garland school of Uisang emphasized practice for enlightenment, the Consciousness-Only school, which also flourished in late Silla, stressed doctrinal studies for method and process of enlightenment. Wonchuk(613-696) studied the Mahayana samgraha() of Asanga (, 410-500CE) and the Dasabhumikasutrasastra() of Vasubandhu(), which were called old Yogacara, under Fachang(568-642) and Sengpien(569-645), and then later the Vijnanavada (, new Yogacara) doctrines under Xuanzang who support the Yogcrabhmi-stra (). Wonchuks philosophy was influenced by Paramartha (499-569), while Kueichi, Hui chao, and Chochou who upheld Dharmapala (530-561), and criticize Wonchuk and his disciples as heterodox. Because he lectured at Ximing Monastery in Chang-an, his disciples were known as the Ximing school. Therein Wonchuk produced his own logical study in the combination of the Tientai concept of universal enlightenment which permeates the whole ideas of the Saddharmapundarika-sutra, but are also found in many other Mahayana sutras. The school not only included the Vijnanavada thoughts of Xuanzang and Paramartha but also harmonized them on the basis of the Huayen and the Tientai, the epitome of Mahayana. Silla king admired the achievements and poser of Wonchuk and repeatedly sent petitions to the Chinese emperor to send him back home. Choe Chiwon said Buddhist monastic community of Silla also considered him as a lofty mountain.

Also, he took the teachings different from such Chinese masters as Kuechi; According to the Haesimmilgyeongso (A commentary on the Sandhinirmocana-sutra), Wonchuk regarded reflection of images and reflection of seeing as kind of contingent teaching. On the contrary, Kueichi proposed that there should be a fourth function which can recognize the reflection of seeing, because the reflection of seeing cannot manifest itself, even though the self awareness of manifestation illuminates it. In this respect that five natures of living being, Wonchuk claimed that certain beings fell outside the group that could reach enlightenment, although Xuanzang suggested that living beings who lack the nature of enlightenment can never become fully enlightened. It implied that Xuanzang stoutly advocated Dharmapalas orthodox thinking. Dharmapala argued that enlightenment could be achieved only after undergoing complex meditations for a period of three kalpas of incalculable length.; defiled seeds are eternally excluded from salvation. Also, Kuechi also had more specific approaches supporting the teachings of Xuanzang. Because the Tusita heaven is the defiled world, he made the case for Tusita heaven being easier to enter than Amitabhas Pure Land in the Guan mile shangsheng doulutian jingzan (), commenting because Amitabha Buddhas turf of hair between his eye brows look like five Mt. Sumerus, ordinary men can not see it, and there, it is impossible for them to obtain rebirth in his land. On the other hand, Tusita heaven is located in the same realm as this world, where Mahayanists, Hinayanists, and non-Buddhists are found together. Likewise, Haesimmilgyeongso (A commentary on the Sandhinirmocana-sutra) explained there is the one sound teaching of Kumarajiva and the partial nature and complete nature taught by Dharmaksema (, 385~433). Fundamentally, all of these positions do no conflict wih another because they are based on one meaning. The Avatamsaka-sutra and the Lankavarara-sutra also belong in the third division because they both give the teaching which contains the complete meaning. In his universal perspective, the ideas of Wonchuk was identical with those of Wonhyo and Uisang that seek for one vehicle on which Avatamsaka and Saddharmapundarika thought emphasized in the methods of the enlightenment.

The Silla monk Gyeonghung, who flourished under King Sinmun (681-692), countered the conception of Cien School. He argued which is difficult, cultivating (the merit needed for rebirth in) the Pure Land or in Tusita? It is said that Tusita belongs to this word, while the Pure Land is not associated with defilement. Hence, the birth in Tusita is easier than in the Pure Land? he continued to speak those who were cultivating the practice leading to Tusita Heaven would not do that practice required for Amitabhas pure land because they believed that Amitabhas Land is difficult to attain. Gyeonghung obviously supported Wonchuks thought and followed the significant notion that even though they had stayed in defiled seeds, they can go into the rebirth in the Pure Land and thus gain salvation if they accumulate the merit, symbolic capital, through offering activities or such practices as meditation, recitation, etc., which were very popular in the Silla society. Wonchuk, on the contrary to Dharmapala, likewise succeeded to the tradition of the Saddharmapundarika sutra that the Buddha declares the real purpose of his coming into this world is to cause men to achieve an enlightenment that is in no way different from his own, and he solemnly prophesies, all sentient beings, male and female wise and ignorant, will ultimately attain Buddhahood, and that even an eight-year-old girl can attain enlightenment and change her kalpa if she accumulate merit in her life. The tradition started from the Mahaparinirva-sutra that even the most corrupt man was eligible for, and indeed would ultimately attain Buddhahood. Silla Yogacara (Vijnanavada) school, in this manner, synthesized not only the various Vijnanavada schools of china but also imported ideas from the Tientai, Huayen, and other schools. They established the One Vehicle (ekayana), the true intention of the Buddha, which was clearly distinct from the Chinese Vijnanavada. In these views, the sudden decline of Chinese Vijnanavada was the natural outcome. They had many ideas such as its elaborate theories regarding the mind, and its detailed analysis of the nature and varieties of illusion. But, ultimately the exclusion of living beings from the possibility of attaining enlightenment and the rejection of the ideal of One Vehicle doomed this school to oblivion. This is completely distinct from Wonchuks Vijnanavada that undergirded One Vehicle.Korean Buddhism is also characterized as nation-protecting Buddhism, and one may cite several scholarly works which have employed this framework to understand Korean Buddhism. In Silla Hwangnyong-sa temple, the establishment of nine-story pagoda, Five Secular Commandments of Monk Wongwang are some of the illustrations of the nation-protecting tradition. In the context of Goryeo Buddhism one may cite such examples as the activities of monastic militia, the carving of eighty thousand woodblocks of Buddhist scriptures to invoke the power of Buddhism to repel foreign forces and the organization of various Buddhist rituals by the Goryeo court as expressions of the nation-protecting character of Korean Buddhism. It is also worthy of note that during the Joseon such monk as Seosan and Samyeong led righteous army in the times of foreign invasion in defence of the state.Scholars have often cited these instances to emphasize the significance and salient feature of KB as nation-protecting Buddhism. Eda Toshio () was the first scholar to elaborate this theme in his paper Chosen bukkyou to mamoru kuni shisou (Korean Buddhism and its Nation-protecting Thought), published in the Gendai bukkyou. Art historians noted the Seokbul-sa temple. They argued that the vision of the Buddha was focused on the burial place of King Munmu in the sea, and represented, therefore, the innovation of divine power against possible Japanese invasion that might occur through the East Sea. It was also pointed out that Japanese deliberately damaged these monuments, even though the fact remains that Japanese colonial authorities undertook its repair work. Obviously, these interpretations were undergirded with nationalist passion. They sought to interpret Seokbul-sa, together with Bulguk-sa, as the expression of the symbolism of Huayan Buddhahood.

It has been pointed out that Korea borrowed the discourse of nation-protecting Buddhism from Japan where it emerged during the Meiji period. However, much before Korean Buddhism came under the influence of Japan, close connection between state and Buddhism existed and many instances of the nation-protecting spirit can be found in the history of Korean Buddhism., The doctrines of Asanga and Vasubandhu were unrelated to the teachings of Xuangzang, which stayed in India for seventeen years. Wonchuks doctrine, labeled unorthodox, gained little support in China. It was, however, introduced to Silla and the Tun-huang area. His commentary on the Explanation of profound Mysteries was transmitted to Tun-huang by his disciple Tan-kuang (Tamgwang; died c. 788) and was later translated into Tibetan by Chos-grub(Fa-cheng) and included in the Tibetan canon. Later, Chos-grubs translation of Wonchuks commentary was referred to by the scholarly reformist monk Tsongkhapa(1357-1419). Thus Wonchuks teachings were widely studied in the border area of Kan-chou and Tibet.

Wonchuks unprejudiced scholarship is exemplified by the fact that although he was well versed in Paramarthas theories, he also accepted other Indian theories of the school; in his commentary on the Explanation of Profound Mysteries, he not only expounds Paramarthas interpretations but also accorded respect to Xianzhang as the Tripitaka Master of Great Tang. Indeed, the defamation campaign launched by the Kuei-chi group had no factual basis. When Wonchuk gained public favor with his lectures on the Treatise on the Completion of Consciousness-Only, Stages of Yoga Practice, and Explanation of Profound Mysteries Scripture, Kuei-chi (632-682) stoutly opposed Wonchuks theory. This polemic might have given rise to absurd apocryphal stries attributed to both Wonchuk and Kuei-chi. pp.166.

When Wonchuk gained public favor with his lectures on the Treatise on the Completion of Consciousness-Only, Stages of Yoga Practice, and Explanation of Profound Mysteries Scripture, Kuei-chi(632-682) stoutly opposed Wonchuks theory. pp.166

The Samguk yusa

The Gosangyeong jungyi daedeok Wonchuk hwasang wiilmun(, The text for the memorization of the death anniversary of eminent monk Wonchuk)

The Haesimmilgyeongso, HPC 1:129c-218a. This scripture is a translation of Oh Hyun-keun. Oh Hyun-keun, Ibid., 1991, pp. 111-112.

Cien, Cheng weishi lunshuji, 9B, T43.555c.

Cheng weishi lun 2 T.31.9a

I used the translation of Minamoto Hiroyuki. T 1772-277a-c. Minamoto Hiroyuki, Characteristics of Pure Land Buddhism of Silla, Lancaster, Lewis R., and Chai-Shin Yu, eds., Assimilation of Buddhism in Korea: religious maturity and innovation in the Silla Dynasty. Asian Humanities Press, 1991,

The Haesimmilgyeongso. HPC 1:133a-b. This scripture is a translation of Oh Hyun-keun. Oh Hyun-keun, the Yogacara-Vijnaptimatrata Sudies of Silla Monks, Lancaster, Lewis R., and Chai-Shin Yu, eds., Assimilation of Buddhism in Korea: religious maturity and innovation in the Silla Dynasty. Asian Humanities Press, 1991, pp.111.

I used the translation of Minamoto Hiroyuki. T1748.163c12-T1748.163c16. Minamoto Hiroyuki, Characteristics of Pure Land Buddhism of Silla, Lancaster, Lewis R., and Chai-Shin Yu, eds., Assimilation of Buddhism in Korea: religious maturity and innovation in the Silla Dynasty. Asian Humanities Press, 1991, pp.156.

lotus 7a, 8a-10b

Kim Sang-hyon, The identity of Korean Buddhism within the Context of East Asian Buddhism, Korean Buddhism in East Asian Perspectives, Geumgang Center for Buddhist Studies Geumgang University, 2007, pp.9-10; Buswell Robert E., Jr., Imaging Korean Buddhism: the invention of a national religious tradition, in Hyungil Pai and Timothy R. Tanggherlini, ed., Nationalism and the Construction of Korean Identiy, Berkeley: University of California Press, 1998.

Eda Toshio , Chosen bukkyou to mamoru kuni shisou , Gendai bukkyou 124, (1935. 6)

Hwang Su-yong, Soekgulam ui changgeon kwa yeonhyoek, Yeoksa gyoyuk 9 (1964).

Mun Myong-dae, Tohasma sokkuram, Hanguk oenron jaryo ganhaenghoe, 2000

Kim Sang-hyon, Silla Hwaeom sasangsa yeongu, Minjoksa, 1991, pp.

John Jorgensen, Korean Buddhist Historiography, Pulgyo yeongu 14 (1997) : 209-210