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Kasutajasõbralik avalik ruum ehk tõenduspõhine planeerimine

Kasutajasõbralik avalik ruum ehk tõenduspõhine planeerimine

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Vajadused/väärtused avalikus ruumis – nimetage! -Mälu värskendada, uusi mõtteid saada -Teiste inimestega kohtumine, inimeste jälgimine -Trenn, füüsiline aktiivsus, liikumisvajadus -Kultuuri arendamine, iseenda arendamine, enda harimine, õppimine, stimuleerimine -Turvatunne, sotsiaalsus, samasuguste inimestega koosolemine -Transport -Meditatsioon, pea puhkamine, keskkondlik eneseregulatsioon

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Page 1: Kasutajasõbralik avalik ruum ehk tõenduspõhine planeerimine

Kasutajasõbralik avalik ruum ehk tõenduspõhine planeerimine

Page 2: Kasutajasõbralik avalik ruum ehk tõenduspõhine planeerimine

Loengu eesmärk:

Mõelda teooriapõhiselt järgmiste küsimuste üle:• Mõista, mida inimesed avalikus ruumis

vajavad ja väärtustavad• Kuidas aru saada, kas ruum vastab nendele

vajadustele või mitte• Mida peaks planeerides arvesse võtma, teades

tervise/heaolu ja keskkonnategurite seoseid?

Page 3: Kasutajasõbralik avalik ruum ehk tõenduspõhine planeerimine

Vajadused/väärtused avalikus ruumis – nimetage!

- Mälu värskendada, uusi mõtteid saada- Teiste inimestega kohtumine, inimeste jälgimine- Trenn, füüsiline aktiivsus, liikumisvajadus- Kultuuri arendamine, iseenda arendamine, enda

harimine, õppimine, stimuleerimine- Turvatunne, sotsiaalsus, samasuguste inimestega

koosolemine- Transport- Meditatsioon, pea puhkamine, keskkondlik

eneseregulatsioon

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Vajadused avalikus ruumis

- Mugavus- Lõdvestumine- Passiivne hõivatus- Aktiivne hõivatus- Avastamine

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1) Mugavus – ilmastikutingimustega arvestamine

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1) Mugavus – hängimine ja inimestega kohtumine

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2) Lõõgastumine – looduslikud elemendid (taimed, voolav vesi) mõjuvad iseäranis soodsalt (Chicago, Grant Park)

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2) Lõõgastumine - turvatunne (Rooma)

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3) Passiivne hõivatus: people watching (Biškek)(Ghirardelli plats, San Francisco)

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3) Passiivne/aktiivne hõiatus – spontaanne tänavasport, -muusika

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3) Passiivne hõivatus, kunst, üllatusmoment (Chicago)

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3) Passiivne hõivatus - vaated

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4) Aktiivne hõivatus – avastamine (Fisherman’s Wharf, San Francisco)

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4) Aktiivne hõivatus – erinevad funktsioonid (Gas Works Park, Seattle)

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4) Aktiivne hõivatus – väljakutse, füüsiline stimulatsioon, risk, võistluslikkus

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4) Aktiivne hõivatus: tänavaüritused

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4) Aktiivne hõivatus - kogukonnaaiad (New York)

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..Firenzes

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Tallinnas

http://tiiantai.blogspot.com/2013/06/juhannus-tallinnassa-osa-i-kalamaja.html

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5) Avastamine – adventure- or junk playgrounds

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5) Avastamine – ebatavalised sihtkohad (Patarei)

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Väärtused avalikus ruumisDemokraatia – avaliku ruumi roll on kaitsta kõigi kasutajagruppide õigusi (Miks? Mida see tähendab?)

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Avalik ruum ja tähendused

• …sügavad ja olulised seosed minu ja……mu lähedaste..maailma..väärtuste…ajaloo…tulevikuootuste…maailmavaate..unistuste jne vahel

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Individuaalselt tähenduslik ruum. Inimesed saavad vihaseks, kui tähenduslikele ruumidele

kallale kiputakse

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Kui tähendustele apelleerimine ruumi tegelikku kujundajat ei mõjuta, millele siis rõhuda?

• Füüsiline ja psühholoogiline tervis• Heaolu• Liikumine• Stress• Meeleolu• Tähelepanuressursi taastumine• Keskendumisvõime

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Examples: green areas and well-being

• Nature, in comparison to urban environments, affect positively the mood (Hartig et al., 2003; Hartig, Mang, & Evans, 1991; Morita et al., 2007; Tsunetsugu et al. 2013), concentration and performance (van den Berg, Koole, & van der Wulp, 2003; Hartig et al. 2003, 1991; Laumann et al., 2003).

• Studies exploring the relationship between physiological stress and environment demonstrate, that being in forest lowers blood pressure and pulse, cortisol level, supresses the activity of sympathetic nervous system and stimulates parasympathetic nervous system (Lee et al., 2012; Park, Tsunetsugu, Kasetani, Kagawa, & Miyazaki, 2010; Tsunetsugu et al., 2013).

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Satisfaction with the neighborhood and perceived safety – related to the perceived health

• General dissatisfaction with the neighborhood is related to poorer self-reported health state; also if the personality variables are taken into account

• Also the self-reported health state is related to the perceived self-estimated safety of the neighborhood, as well to the trust toward the neighbours

• Similar results from different studies from different countries (Echeverria et al., 2008; Gary et al., 2007; Hill et al., 2005; Kim, 2008; Latkin & Curry, 2003; Ross & Mirowsky, 2009; Oshio ja Urakawa, 2012)

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Public space and stress• Being in urban nature and its relations to stress was studied;

including psychological and physiological aspects of stress - It was found that even a short period of time spent in a large urban park or urban forest has a positive impact to physical an psychological well-being, measured by perceived relaxation, vitality, mood, creativity and cortisol level General potential for relaxationWas the most significant in the urban forest setting (Tyrväinen et al 2014).

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Urban environment that makes us move

• The attractiveness, size and closeness of the public space in neighborhood is related to the adults’ recreativ walking – the distance to the pleasant park prognoses, if people go for a walk at all or not

• Let’s go deeper: do individuals achieve the so-called „healthy level of walking (at least 150 min per week) (do you? If not, why?) It was found that the distance to the park was less important than the existence of a park that is large, attractive and of high quality is in a walking distance (1,6 km radius)

• The probable reason for the relationship – bigger parks offer more diverse possibilities for physical activity (the need for active engagement AND stimuation) and more attractive environment, that smaller green spaces may not have (Sugiyama et al., 2010; Thompson, 2013).

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Multiple environmental burdens and neighborhood-related health of city

residents• Burdens in urban environment: the streets from the same

neighborhood were compared, that differed by the burdens - traffic noise, air pollution, lack of public green space

• Residents from high-burden blocks appraised the environmental conditions more stressful, reported poorer health behavior and were less satisfied with their neighborhood than residents from low-burden blocks. However, they did not differ in regard to more general health symptoms

• Three other burdens (behavior-related noise, litter and dirt in public space, lack of urban vegetation), which could not be varied objectively, were assessed by their perceived intensity. Regression analyses of the relations between the perceived levels of all six burdens and outcomes in the total sample revealed the following: Neighborhood satisfaction could be predicted from multiple stressors and resources that co-occur independently, while more general health symptoms were related only to perceived air pollution (Honold et al, 2013)

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The effects of environmental burdens may be implicit

• Exposure to uncontrollable stimuli produces deficits in task performance linked to learned helplessness. Many of these stimuli are environmental stressors. Both acute and chronic exposure to noise, crowding, traffic congestion, and pollution are capable of causing learned helplessness in adults and children. Pre-exposure to brief, acute environmental stressors that are uncontrollable produces learned helplessness wherein participants manifest difficulties in learning a new task because of their mistaken belief that they are incapable of influencing their environment.

• Another index of learned helplessness, less persistence in the face of challenge also follows acute exposure to uncontrollable environmental stressors.

• Depressed affect may co-occur with learned helplessness under certain circumstances. Field studies of chronic environmental stressors reveal parallel trends. Chronic environmental stressors also heighten vulnerability to the induction of learned helplessness by acute, uncontrollable stimuli (Evans, Stecker, 2004)

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Children’s „places“ and „spaces“ (Min & Lee, 2006)

• Children living in a large high-rise, high-density planned neighborhood of 5277 families reveal that children find most of their psychologically valued settings within the neighborhood outdoor spaces such as designated play areas and developed parks.

• They are aware of differences in experience between such valued ‘places’ and other ‘spaces’. They choose the places because these places offer some key environmental attributes—spatial, physical, and social—that support behaviors that children want to engage in.

• Due to these attributes, behaviors in places are different from behaviors in other spaces, with the former being more purposive, social, creative, and dependent on particular affordances of the setting.

• This observational analysis showed that settings children mention to be important to them are utilized more often (about twice as much) than their counterparts, showing a variety of behaviors, incorporating more intentional activities (as opposed to transient, short-lived ones), encouraging group behaviors (as opposed to single-person activities), and providing children with a sense of their own territorial play area.

• The study demonstrates that in children’s neighborhood environment, emergence of such important places is related to use pattern and there are some key attributes and core behaviors greatly contributing to children’s place experience.