Koha Digest 53 (1995)

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    The weekly Koha (The T imes) was published in Prishtina (Kosovo) between 1994 and 1997. E dited by VetonSurroi, a young Kosovar journalist and one of the pioneers of democratisation in former Y ugoslavia, Koha

    soon became a symbol of quality among the region's media. In 1997 it started to be published daily under the

    name of Koha Ditor. With the kind permission of Mr. Surroi, Koha digests were originally posted on

    http://koha.estudiosbalcanicos.org.

    - 1 -

    Koha Digest # 53

    ROUND TABLE

    "KOHA" IS NOT ORGANIZING THE ALBANIAN-SERB DIALOGUE

    Much medial noise has been made about the recent initiative of

    "KOHA" to organize Round Table "Kosova: perspective and

    democratic possibilities". This news has been even broadcasted

    by all correspondents of foreign media in Kosova.

    The organization of the Round Table, as well as the list of

    participants, which was elaborated not grounded on the idea that

    their opinion represents the conviction of the Albanian or Serbpeople, but because we considered that their information and

    viewpoints would contribute to this Round Table, do not mean that

    this is the "Albanian-Serb dialogue" (as Nasa Borba claims).

    Finally, "KOHA" Editorial Board does not consider itself to be

    a relevant institution which could organize an eventual dialogue

    between the confronted parties. We thought that the organization

    of such a Table, which would allow the presentation of relations,

    disputes and Albanian-Serb perspectives from different

    viewpoints, would be reasonable, because following the new

    initiatives of the Serbian Movement of Resistance, new tensionsare expected by the end of the month.

    EDITORIAL

    THREE IMAGES IN AN EDITORIAL

    Athens. Omonia, the main square. Asking for a direction in

    English, I am replied in Greek. The pronunciation of Central

    Albania's "r" is strongly heard. The instructor of the accuratedirections is surrounded by twenty eyes which are still holding

    a part of the clay splendor of coppered soil.

    Two Greeks stop a van and call the bunch. They choose two,

    capable of doing construction work. The others go away. Later,

    they will greet a compatriot coming back from the market. Today

    he sold more avocados than yesterday. No, he didn't know a thing

    about the regulation of their further status in Greece. The radio

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    said nothing.

    Upsala. An old university town. Two Kosova Albanians enter the

    room where the conference on the right of speech in Albanian

    lands in organized, and listen to the lectures. One of them, justturned 35, approaches and asks how long with the situation, as

    it is, last in Kosova. He is tired, he says. He has spent three

    years in a refugee camp, asking himself the same question once

    he stepped on Swedish land. There is no answer to his question,

    this time neither. He asked it last time when a Swedish professor

    and expert of the Albanian question had come to the camp to warn

    the Albanians that they were creating a negative image in the

    Swedish public opinion. The statistics prove that after these

    visits, the number of crimes committed by Albanians decreased

    some tens of percents. The fact that criminality among Albanians

    has become a statistical category, is serious enough, it accuses.The question without the answer is still more accusing.

    Switzerland. A department store and in it, an American blonde

    walks from one stand to the other. She looks behind to see

    whether someone is following. Several steps ahead, three young

    men, with their hands in the pockets show their lack of teeth

    when smiling, inviting her, in German, to have a cup of coffee.

    "Enough" - screams the American and the whole floor of the

    department store turns in her direction. "I don't want to have

    coffee with you, understand?". "We lost her too", said the youngmen in Albanian. They just crease their arms and go out on the

    street. A couple of steps away there is a young married couple

    going to be "interviewed" upon their asylum request.

    The Albanian daily that day, speaks of one of the days of the

    past five years. A waiter, an Albanian, employed in a restaurant,

    the day the Albanian daily started speaking of the ordinary

    Kosovan days, goes through it rapidly, smoking a bit and again

    going back to work...

    REPRESSION

    IT IS NOT REPRESSION, BUT GENOCIDE AGAINST ALBANIANS

    by BAJRAM KELMENDI / Prishtina

    In daily public communication, it has become ordinary to speak

    and write about the violation of human rights and freedoms, and

    even in occasions when we are referring to premeditated,systematic and organized criminal actions of a state politic,

    which aims at the extermination of a people, also, referring to

    genocide.

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    We can refer to violation of human rights and freedoms in cases

    when these rights and freedoms exist in the legal system of a

    state, when they are not respected as foreseen by juridical

    provisions, when such human rights and freedoms are partially or

    ostensibly being violated by state organs, when they are relatedto racial, national, religious or any other discrimination, be

    it juridical or societal discrimination in everyday life.

    However, when the state organs of a state undertake premeditated,

    systematic and organized actions against the members of one

    people, aiming at the full or partial extermination of that

    people, and in this direction they massively kill people of all

    societal structures; when members of one nationality are

    subjugated to permanent physical and mental tortures, with

    serious consequences for their physical and mental health; when

    systematic repressive measures which aim at the massiveemigration of members of one nationality from their homeland and

    the change of the ethnic structure of Kosova through ethnic

    cleansing; when through planned economic, political, judicial,

    administrative, health-care, cultural-educational and other

    measures a people is put under such living conditions which lead

    towards its partial or full extermination, as the Serbian

    repressive government is acting against the Albanians in Kosova,

    then we are referring to a statal criminal politic which tries

    to eliminate the physical existence of a whole people in its

    ethnic lands. This is a typical criminal policy, and the actions,departing from the motive, include the suspicion, that the

    official Serbian policy towards Albanians, is lead grounded on

    the postulates of Academician Vasa Cubrilovic, author of two

    genocidal anti-Albanian elaborates, who says: "It would be good

    if we could get rid of all Arnauts (Albanians) from here and at

    once".

    The systematic and brutal repression of the statal organs of

    Serbia against Albanians in Kosova - is expressed in these basic

    forms: through successive killings of innocent citizens; wounding

    citizens by police firearms; serious physical injuries withmechanic means during raids of houses and apartments; massive

    torturing during the so called "informative talks" which

    endangers the physical and mental health of citizens. This

    repression is realized also in the form of the uninterrupted

    searches of houses, apartments, shops, and especially during the

    so called police expeditions, on which occasions villages,

    certain neighborhoods and individual houses are besieged, and

    then in early hours of the morning, brutal raids of homes and

    shops take place, without the presence of citizens as witnesses,

    accompanied by the subjugation of members of families to torture,including women and children, in the form of illegal detention

    which may last for hours and even up to three days. The attorneys

    are denied the right to be present during the interrogation of

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    the accused, the witnesses; they are denied access to the files

    starting from investigations and up to the indictment. The

    accused are always tortured and forced to sign false confessions;

    the members of families are often taken hostage, in order to

    force the accused to hand themeslves in; in the cases when theperson concerned is fugitive, then his family is usually evicted

    from the apartments which are immediately settled by Serb and

    Montenegrin policemen.

    Albanians are deprived from the right to dispose of their

    property as they wish, because nothing in Kosova can be sold,

    bought or rented, if the Ministry of Finances of Serbia doesn't

    approve. This approval is usually never issued promptly and it

    is prolonged for months, a fact which paralyses any juridical

    turnover. This is done with the motivation to prevent the

    emigration of Serbs and Montenegrins from Kosova, but what doesthis have to do in the cases when the contracts on the purchase

    or rental of real estate are signed between Albanians?!

    Finally, it must be stressed that this kind of massive repression

    is done exclusively against Albanians. There is no repression

    against Serbs and Montenegrins, and this fact is notorious and

    needs no proofs. On the contrary, Serbs and Montenegrins are

    favored in all aspects, because this is the inertia of the

    official policy of the Serbian regime in Kosova. Special

    programs, laws and measures have been adopted for this purpose,and are intensively applied in Kosova with the purpose to

    populate Kosova with Serbs and Montenegrins.

    REPRESSION

    PREMEDITATED TERRORIST ACT

    B.H./Prishtina

    Once, during a conversation about the trial against the Albanian

    former policemen, attorney Fazli Balaj had commented that the

    organs of State Security are conveying him threats through his

    clients. He was transmited the message that his experience will

    be worse than that of his clients if he doesn't give up on

    talking about their case. Less than a week passed and Balaj

    experienced the promised. This didn't affect his determination

    to keep on revealing everything the Serbian occupier is doing in

    Kosova and it was another occasion to talk to Mr. Balaj.

    BALAJ: I don't know whether my case is related to the events

    which have happened so far. My colleagues and I have been

    threatened by the security organs, but we haven't taken them

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    seriously. The reason why we were threatened was that we were

    requesting the procedure to be respected. We were deprived of

    this right, we were denied the right to participate in all phases

    of the procedure. Until this case, the threats had been verbal,

    but this didn't make the attorneys hesitate, because we believejustice is on our side and we know that the threats are

    premeditated acts of the regime to "discipline" us. The

    provisions of the Criminal Procedure Law must be respected.

    KOHA: What happened the night you were attacked?

    BALAJ: On the critical night, I was home. I just had come in. The

    bell rang and I approached the door. It has become normal to ask

    who is ringing the bell.

    A voice, in Serbian, said: "Neighbor, I have to ask yousomething". I opened the door and stepped half-way out. I saw two

    masked persons, armed with hand-guns and I immediately tried to

    close the door. In vane, because one of them had put his foot

    between the frame and the door, and was pointing his gun towards

    my forehead. He hit me with the pistol's butt, I fell. Yet, I

    managed to come out to the corridor and instinctively started

    yelling, which made my neighbors come out and force these two to

    escape. They were riding a white car, I suppose it was a "Lada".

    A woman was waiting for them inside.

    KOHA: Do you think this act was an attempt to discipline you,

    several days before the trial against the ex-policemen starts?

    BALAJ: I would say that this is a terrorist attack. We know that

    there are such attempts against our colleagues. I don't know

    whether this act is directed against Fazli Balaj, the attorney

    or Balaj, the member of the Council for the Defence of Human

    Rights and Freedoms. For the time being I can't accuse anyone of

    this attack. I don't have sufficient proofs. I would like to be

    wrong, but these were either para-militaries or some Serb who is

    not happy with my activity. I will not exclude the possibilityof having being attacked by an official organ.

    KOHA: Is there any similarity between your case and the previous

    ones: Bukoshi, Krasniqi and Kadolli?

    BALAJ: I don't know whether there are any similarities, but I

    know that these forms will not make our determination to struggle

    for independence and freedom disappear. I will not subjugate to

    these threats and, with my work, I will reveal the Serbian

    speculations and tortures against Albanians. This is my duty.

    KOHA: Do you fear from another similar action?

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    BALAJ: No reason for that. I am determined to stay in Kosova,

    despite the threat. It would be a great weakness to leave and

    surrender to the occupier.

    KOHA: Could this become a phenomenon in the future?

    BALAJ: I don't believe so, but it is likely to believe that such

    forms can be used. This doesn't mean that something among the

    people would change. It is not more tragic nor is it an

    additional repression against us. I am sure we will resist this

    one too. The important thing, for us, is to remain in Kosova.

    REPRESSION

    ARGENTINEAN SYNDROME OFFSHOOT?

    by BATON HAXHIU / Prishtina

    "On April 8, at 20,45 min. in Prishtina, in my flat located in

    "Dardania", four unidentified persons, including one woman,

    attacked me". This is what attorney Fazli Balaj writes in his

    criminal charges form.

    This is the fourth time, according to the documentation of theCouncil for the Defence of Human Rights and Freedoms (CDHRF),

    that our public and political personalities are subjected to such

    attacks. The other three were Bujar Bukoshi, Abdyl Krasniqi and

    Abdyl Kadolli.

    Is the continuity if the Serbian repression entering a new phase

    of repression and intimidation of Albanians, giving repression

    the dimension of terrorism, as an extra-institutional and

    mystified form, a phenomenon which is an offset of Falange

    attacks and the Argentinean syndrome. Thousands of disappeared,

    abducted and killed with never identified attackers, are theworst forms of intimidation. As if the Serbian regime has worn

    out all forms of institutional repression, and is now going

    towards this new form of repression which, if continues, will

    probably become a phenomenon.

    An expert on these issues and the similar circumstances, the

    veteran journalist Nehat Islami, euphemizes the fact that we have

    the Argentinean syndrome appearing in Kosova. Giving this attack

    against attorney Balaj the dimension of a non-ordinary attack,

    he believes that the Serbian government is applying this form ina very legal way, therefore there are no reasons to apply the

    methods that cause the anger of the international public - the

    Argentinean methods. The Serbian forms of terror are open, they

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    don't fear anyone, and this repressive regime does not have any

    need to use secret attacks because it is trying to achieve its

    goals through the legal forms which it covers with the "Albanian

    articles" in the Criminal Code.

    This regime is conscious, continues Islami, that the spiral of

    the Argentinean syndrome could create, further on, counter-

    actions, which could cause the Lebanese atmosphere, which does

    not suit this regime. Here, there can't be organized forms of the

    Argentinean type, because the terror against the Albanian people

    is applied through legal forms, because it is not responsible to

    anyone: international organizations nor resolutions, rejecting

    any corroborated accusations of genocide against Albanians.

    Judged upon this and linking it to the recent attack against

    attorney Balaj, his colleague, Destan Rukiqi, adds that these are

    known forms applied by occupying regimes to prevent the politicaland professional activity of the activists who are openly

    fighting against this occupier.

    Looking into it realistically, this repression is entering a new

    phase and does not differ much in the sense of continuity, but

    since this regime has not found a new form to intimidate

    Albanians and their subjugation, maybe it will try to make such

    attacks that can be defined as terrorist attacks. This proves

    that the Serbian authorities ate trying to capitalize the

    repression for hegemonic purposes.

    The classification of the "Balaj case" as a terrorist attack is

    also done by Islami from the CDHRF. He claims that it is so and

    that it is still hard to define who ordered or conducted it.

    There are indicators that it was committed by Serbs, the police,

    para-militaries, but it is hard to define it.

    It is not the first case of the kind in Kosova. The previous

    victims were Bujar Bukoshi, Abdyl Krasniqi and Abdyl Kadolli. The

    first was kidnapped by security organs and no one knew of his

    whereabouts for several days, Krasniqi was kidnapped on thestreet and "disappeared" for some time and finally Balaj was

    beaten in his own apartment and was saved by his neighbors. The

    only dilemma is whether there is any parallelism between these

    cases and could this become a phenomenon? Rukiqi considers that

    the previous cases are similar to the recent one because there

    was an attempt to kidnap Balaj, and the act proper had elements

    of terrorism, aiming at the intimidation of the public

    personality. All of them were subjected to psychological violence

    and were threatened with execution. In his opinion, it is still

    not certain whether it will become a phenomenon or not.

    Islami, on the other hand, considers that there is parallelism

    between the mentioned cases, but differ from one-another from the

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    modus operandi. Krasniqi was taken on the street by the police

    and taken to the police station, which does not make it a

    kidnapping case, meanwhile the last case is a terrorist attack

    against a public personality.

    It is also said that the attack against Balaj is a warning

    directed to the attorneys telling them to be careful about their

    statements and their work, especially in relation to the trials

    taking place in Prishtina against Albanian ex-policemen. Their

    statements were published in the West, and have even more

    affected the image of Serbia in the eyes of the West. The

    question is: is there any similarity between this case and

    similar cases occurred in Palestine?

    Nehat Islami says that Palestine has experienced a very few cases

    of the Latin-American syndrome. Nevertheless, the Israeli secretservices have eliminated the Palestinian activists in other

    forms. Then, in many other cases, the former heads of information

    agencies, as MOSSAD for example, claim that in 1973, in Beirut,

    they eliminated three PLO political leaders, the head of the

    Palestinian police Abu Hassan and finally Abu Jihad, the

    responsible person of the Palestinian armed forces. This happened

    in Tunisia. Not to mention tens of PLO representatives around the

    world. There is no parallelism between Kosova and Palestine, in

    this sense, right now. It is well known that during Communism,

    UDB (State Security) has liquidated many opponents throughout theworld, including Albanians, however, in the past years similar

    cases have not been evidenced or clarified.

    REPRESSION

    INTIMIDATION AS WAR

    by ZENUN ELAJ / Prishtina

    Totalitarian dictatorship grounds itself on terror, and it is

    destroyed without terror - Czech philosopher Ivan Svitak used to

    say. This would be one side of the medal, which reflects the

    intensification of the terror applied against Albanians in Kosova

    by the Serbian military-police regime. The other side is fully

    transparent - the expansion of domination on alien lands and

    people, in our case, the rapid and quiet ethnic cleansing of

    Kosova, differing from the other directions of the Serbs

    pretensions, where, because of the armed resistance, Serbia has

    engaged all its warring machinery just to achieve it's purposes,and it is making one of the worst and barbarian wars in history.

    With all its evident effects, but also provisional, of this

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    Great-Serbian strategy, Serbia seems to be dissatisfied with what

    is has achieved in Kosova. Since it probably expected an armed

    resistance from Albanians in Kosova, which would give it enough

    grounds to act freely in the sense of the realization of its

    intentions, as it did at the end of the last century when itexpelled hundreds of thousands of Albanians from Toplica and

    spread southwards, it was not ready for this kind of war, and in

    the past five years it applied all sorts of terrorist methods

    which didn't bring anything expected.

    It poisoned people massively; it killed; it is struggling to make

    people starve; it is arresting and sentencing people to prison;

    it has applied segregation and apartheid; it has violated

    brutally every individual and collective right. Now it has

    started applying Mafia's methods: attacking individuals

    perfidiously, as in the case of the human rights activist FazliBalaj, several days ago.

    The method of intimidation through the savage campaign of the

    alleged search of weapons, which were not found, in Albanian

    homes, and the escape before this terror, seem not to have given

    the expected results, and neither did the forcible draft of young

    Albanians to the Serbian army which doesn't and will not need

    them. The Kosovan villages were not emptied and the land is still

    ploughed; as if schools and faculties don't notice much the

    temporary absence of young students. The intellectuals stillremain unshaken. Kosova is not settled by hundreds of thousands

    of Serbs, as colonization plans foresaw it. The installed police-

    military regime can't escape the suspicion that it is applying

    Falangist methods to scare Albanians off, not to make them leave

    any more (fortunately all doors towards the West are closed

    down), but to shut their mouths, to discipline them in accordance

    with their aspirations, even though so far, it has not been

    successful. Fazli Balaj stated that what happened to him

    motivates him to get even more engaged in the defense of human

    rights and freedoms of Albanians.

    This occasion proves a statement of a French philosopher, Franz

    Fanon. In his work "The Humiliated of the World", speaking of the

    effects of the French terror in Algeria and using the words of

    a colonized Algerian, ascertained: "The fighting, terrorizing or

    killing of our brothers only strengthen our determination to

    struggle until we achieve the victory, renews our emotional life

    and enriches our imagination. When the whole nation is moving,

    then the new man is not borne as an additional consequence of the

    creation of that nation, but on the contrary, he is created with

    it, it develops and triumphs". We fear that the terrorist - mafiamethods of the regime might inspire the oppressed to fight with

    the arm of the oppressor. Then the regime would have to have a

    policeman or a soldier for every Albanian. Will that be possible?!

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    KOSOVA

    HUMANITARIAN MONITORING FOR KOSOVA

    by ASTRIT SALIHU / Prishtina

    Kosova is not part of the war seized territories, but is part of

    the regions under constant threat of war. There are not hundreds

    of thousands of refugees in this part of the Former Yugoslavia.

    Nevertheless, the Kosovan population, if we take the presence of

    international humanitarian agencies in Kosova as a parameter, is

    by all means endangered, and is one of the most vulnerable

    populations on the territories of the Former Yugoslavia,

    following Bosnia and some parts of Croatia.

    Currently there are over 14 organizations and humanitarianorganizations working in Kosova. They are of different profiles,

    starting from the ones offering medical assistance up to UNHCR.

    The wide spectre of these organizations proves that a large part

    of the population is being assisted. Because, a simple

    calculation of the assistance provided by 14 organizations and

    associations, should lead us towards the total value of what

    enters Kosova, not in money, but in different forms of assistance

    in medicines, food and clothes, among others.

    In order to find out more about what was previously mentioned,we approached these organizations and asked them three questions

    of the same content about their character, whom do the

    organizations/associations assist and what is the (amount of)

    assistance they have offered since they opened their offices in

    Kosova.

    However, it is very strange that we have not received any

    concrete answers from any organization, but UNHCR. In a way, all

    of them have evaded the answers and concrete facts, either

    because this data is available in their central offices in

    Belgrade, or because they didn't have the time to meet with us.The impression we get is that asking for data on humanitarian

    assistance is as if we were trying to discover a top secret. One

    of the humanitarians we spoke about the evasions to give

    explanations, gave us a very interesting answer: "We are talking

    about the humanitarian market (!) of goods and means for

    humanitarian assistance. Thus, for example, we have UNHCR and

    ECHO, which in a kind of financing race, conceal the data on the

    distributed assistance".

    Nevertheless, a large amount of humanitarian aid is distributed.

    This is an undeniable fact.

    The list of humanitarian organizations and associations also

    includes SOROS Foundation which, apart from cultural and

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    informative projects, has its humanitarian programs. This

    Foundation distributes assistance in Kosova too, as they told us,

    "for refugees and the Albanians in general". However, the

    assistance distributed to Albanians goes through "Mother

    Theresa". The assistance dedicated for Kosova is equally dividedbetween the Clinical-Hospital Center and "Mother Theresa" and

    this includes medicines and other medical equipment. This also

    involves non-material help, as is the foundation of psychological

    counsels for refugees, refugee newsletters, etc. The humanitarian

    assistance of this Foundation covers the refugee collective

    centers in Kishnica, Peja, Lesak, Istog but, differing from the

    others, also the one in Dean inhabited by refugees or asylum-

    seekers from Albania (1200 people who are not comprised in the

    lists of the other international organizations and institutions,

    since they don't have status of refugees coming from war seized

    territories). The responsible in this Foundation claim that in1994, Kosova has received assistance in medicines and other forms

    worth 200 thousand dollars, not including the financed project

    of the construction of the hospital in Shtrpce, worth 600

    thousand dollars, which is being done in cooperation with Doctors

    of the World.

    Differing from humanitarian organizations which are dealing with

    concrete distribution of material assistance in Kosova, there are

    two more which must be mentioned: Medecins Sans Frontieres (MSF)

    and Doctors of the World (DOW), not doing any concretedistribution, but are offering their professional medicinal

    assistance. MSF is present in Kosova since 1992 and is mainly

    researching the reasons why diseases are spreading in Kosova.

    They are mainly centered on collecting epidemiologic data and

    following the hygienic and sanitary situation. As Franois

    Darolles declared, this organization has centered its work mainly

    in Mitrovica, doing research. All research is done in cooperation

    with the official structures. However, the explorations are only

    the first phase, then the detection of the diseases also attracts

    the distribution of medicines. The project they just closed lastweek, and which lasted about 8 months, was worth cca. 8 thousand

    ECUs. "Naturally, it is hard to determine the value of the

    assistance in medicines, because we receive them and we don't

    know how much they cost", says Darolles.

    Doctors of the World, on the other hand, are also very active in

    Kosova, and are also mainly concentrated on the epidemiologic

    data and following up on the situation, mainly in regard to

    Tuberculosis. DOW is active in Kosova since May 1994. In July

    1994, it opened a dispensary in Ferizaj. As Dr. Waichi Wong,epidemiologist, says, this organization "does not bring medicines

    and medical equipment, but only makes the research and necessary

    evidence for further prevention". Carolyn Cline, also from DOW

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    says that "they see to it that the field work evidence is data-

    processed, so the doctors in Kosova could use them once DOW

    people leave Kosova".

    The assistance offered by this organization can't be comprisedin determined material figures, but can only be evaluated

    according to their professional effects, determining and fighting

    against infectious diseases, especially TB.

    When it comes to material assistance offered by international

    organizations, we must mention the International Federation of

    Red Cross and Red Crescent Societies (IFRC), the International

    Committee of the Red Cross (ICRC) and also UNHCR. The Red Cross

    organizations didn't offer us many figures about their activities

    in Kosova. ICRC - Belgrade Office, offered us only general

    information about the activities of this organization, however,it referred to the Former Yugoslavia in general. It is very hard

    to know what would the percentage of participation of Kosovans

    be in all these figures, since the categories of people

    endangered during the period of war have increased so much that

    Kosova can't participate in these figures only with the

    percentage of its population. This is why any attempts to try and

    figure our the assistance provided in Kosova were a priori

    unsuccessful. The data ICRC offers is the following: in 1994,

    ICRC has distributed on the territory of the whole Former

    Yugoslavia 33 metric tons of food and non-food items. It is notknown what is the assistance that Kosova got, if any.

    On the other hand, IFRC has assisted around 400 refugees and 1000

    institutionalized social cases per month. So far, this

    organization has distributed 130-300 metric tons of food,

    clothes, hygienic items and medicines per month.

    UNHCR has complete data on the distribution and humanitarian

    assistance. The first category of beneficiaries, because of the

    character and mandate of this organization, is made up of

    refugees. According to UNHCR data, there are 3114 refugees which

    are being assisted in all municipalities of Kosova, in collectivecenters or host families. Naturally, this organization assists

    social cases in the regions where it works. In Kosova, UNHCR has

    been assisting 4.798 institutionalized social cases. Finally, the

    number of UNHCR beneficiaries comprises 7.912 people.

    It is still uncertain what would really be the amount of

    assistance which has reached Kosova and which has been

    distributed here. Maybe in the near future, the presentation of

    this data will be possible, but for the time being, there are no

    accurate figures on this.

    Nevertheless, despite the attempts of the Serbian government to

    present the Albanians as a non-endangered population, the sole

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    fact that there is such a concentration of humanitarian

    organizations and associations in Kosova proves that the Kosovans

    are a vulnerable population of the Former Yugoslavia. The

    insisting of the relevant Albanian political forces to have

    Kosova under an international trusteeship or be provided withinternational monitoring of the political situation, has been

    realized only in one unfortunate segment, humanitarian

    monitoring.

    MACEDONIA

    GERMANS IN MACEDONIA: THE WISH IS THERE

    by IBRAHIM MEHMETI / Shkup

    If there were a practice or need to name weeks according to the

    main events, then last week would have been named "Kinkel's

    week", in honor of German Foreign Minister Klaus Kinkel, who

    visited Shkupi on April 11. Kinkel's visit was announced one week

    beforehand in all media, while "Puls", a weekly in Macedonian,

    published an interview with Kinkel five days before he arrived.

    On of the reasons for the big publicity was the fact that Germany

    is precisely one of the states which has the least understandingfor Greek's embargo against Macedonia. Then, the interests

    increased after a series of speculations claiming that Kinkel was

    arriving with a package of solutions of the Greek-Macedonian

    contest and that he was willing to take over the role of the

    mediator. On the other hand, the interest for Kinkel's visit also

    arose with the speculations about the eventual change of the

    composition of UNPROFOR in Macedonia (renamed to UNPREDEP),

    meaning, having German soldiers as members of these forces.

    During his one day visit, Kinkel met with the highest ranked

    officials including President Gligorov. After the meetings, hehad a press conference and informed about the contents of the

    conversations. From what he said at the press conference, it

    comes out that the excitement was exaggerated, however Kinkel

    mentioned some things that might justify the public's interest.

    After expressing the usual courtesy words about the bilateral

    relations, the German minister did not hide his concern about the

    Greek-Macedonian bout, which, as Kinkel put it, is of

    extraordinary importance for the maintenance of stability in this

    part of the Balkans. He repeated Germany's standpoint about

    Greek's blockade and it's veto on Macedonia's admission in OSCE.

    We, he said, became solidary with Greece, our partner, however,

    we have never concealed our dissatisfaction with such a step and

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    we have openly declared ourselves against this posture. In this

    press conference, the German minister denied the speculations

    that he might have come with a package of solutions and at the

    same time declared that his country will try to help as much as

    possible in the solution of this contest. In regard to thespeculations about UNPROFOR, Kinkel said that nothing of the kind

    has been requested from Germany, and if this happens then the

    German government will discuss it and make a proper decision. On

    this occasion, he did not comment whether his country would be

    happy if such a request comes or not.

    Nevertheless, it is worth mentioning that in this press

    conference, Kinkel said something that caused a new wave of

    speculations. It refers to his statements after meeting Greek

    Foreign Minister Papulias and his deputy Mangakis: "...my

    impression is that there may be an eventual improvement of therelations between two states (Greece and Macedonia)". However,

    he didn't clarify which were elements that caused this

    impression, and thus gave enough grounds for different

    speculations before the awaited Greek-Macedonian conversations.

    Finalizing his visit, the German minister met with the Macedonian

    opposition parties and had a joint meeting with Albanian parties,

    regardless of their position. Gert Arens was also present in

    these conversations, but only as an observer. Even though this

    (brief) meeting didn't produce a concrete conclusion, theAlbanian collocutors do not conceal their satisfaction because

    the foreign minister of such an important state, Germany, has

    expressed special interest to meet with the Albanian political

    representatives and be informed about their societal status. The

    truth is that the German minister mentioned the inter-ethnic

    relations the least, although he did mention them, praising

    Macedonia, which, as he said, could serve as an example for the

    regulation of inter-ethnic relations in other former Yugoslav

    states. On this occasion he expressed also the contribution of

    Germany with the fact that mediator Arens is a German diplomat.

    In regard to Arens, as we were informed, he will visit Macedoniawithin a fortnight, and it can be supposed that his visit will

    be dedicated maybe fully to the inter-ethnic relations,

    especially the University of Tetova, which seems to have

    hibernated after the arrest of Rector Sulejmani and his

    collaborators, who are awaiting trial.

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    MACEDONIA

    TWO THEMES WITH MANY DILEMMAS

    by SELADIN XHEZAIRI / Shkup

    Public opinion in Macedonia usually gets first hand information

    about events concerning Macedonia from Greek sources. This is not

    only referring to the (non) continuation of the Greek-Macedonian

    negotiations, to which Shkup's official diplomacy has reacted

    late, but also events which, according to unwritten rules, must

    be of main importance for Macedonian officials and media.

    Such a thing happened with an article published in New York

    Times, originally qualified as sensationalistic, which arrived

    in Macedonia as a retransmissions of Athens' press (!) about thevoyage of an equipment for fuel extraction, starting from Iran,

    with Serbia, i.e. Eastern Slavonia as final destination!

    The above mentioned equipment loaded on 100 trucks, actually

    should go through, at least, three Balkans states: Bulgaria,

    Greece and Macedonia. Following the rumors, on April 10, your

    correspondent was confirmed the news by the Macedonian Customs:

    high-ranked official Shaban Zendeli said that Macedonian

    authorities, as well as SAMCOM (sanctions' monitors)

    representatives knew about this unusual transport, and while the

    other organs claimed not to know a thing, Zendeli admitted thaton April 6, six train wagons carrying suspicious goods, similar

    to the one mentioned by the Greek media, grounded on the

    discoveries of New York Times, were stopped at Gevgelija. "The

    perforation equipment", claims our collocutor, "was confiscated

    in the presence of international monitors". However, Macedonian

    authorities have still not made any public statements about the

    matter- which is deeply against the UN resolution on the

    sanctions against Serbia and Montenegro- and thus allow the media

    to built up this serious mosaic pursuant to information coming

    from reliable sources. Thus, the result was that there were not

    6 or 13 wagons, respectively trucks, but a total of 16 trucks.

    There is also information that some of the "suspicious" trucks

    have reached their final destination (daytime or nighttime, it

    is not important), thus opening a series of nasty questions.

    In fact, when all of this was revealed, it came out that the load

    had changed addresses several times, and that several Macedonian

    enterprises are mentioned as recipients of the cargo; there are

    also rumors "about implications of high-ranked officials of

    neighboring countries" and also rumors that this "project" had

    been well planned long ago; that the enterprises implied in thismatter were barely found in the register, and that even some of

    them disappeared, while analysts don't exclude the fact that they

    might have been created "for these particular capital ventures"...

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    And while there still is no end to this story, there are many

    dilemmas about who might be implied, because there are strong

    grounds to believe that the whole contingent could not have gone

    through without the "blessing of someone from above"... The

    implication of other states, Iran, Greece and Bulgaria, is alsodiscussed. It is known that the Iranians discussed with Greek

    officials, and the latter, it was not hard for them to "talk to

    as old friends and allies" with Belgrade officials, not leaving

    aside the fact that the contacts of Macedonian and Serbs

    economists have started intensifying.

    Last week, a long article in the pro-governmental "Nova

    Makedonija" re-actualized the functioning of the "rule of law":

    it informs about the expulsion of four nationals of Jordan,

    activists of the IGASE humanitarian organization, seated in

    Jeddah, Saudi Arabia. It is claimed that the expelled, includingthe head of the Shkupi office - Muhammad Iktal, had acted in

    Macedonia from the positions of Islamic fundamentalism. This

    organization is also accused of having had the Belgrade Mufti,

    political leaders from Sandzak and Kosova and of some legal

    parties in Macedonia on it's "payroll". No further details are

    given.

    ECONOMY

    OVERWHELMED POLICE

    by I.R./ Prishtina

    The Financial Police has collected much more than expected in

    Kosova. In the first three months of this year, either in

    organized raids, or the regular cash in, 29,3 million dinars, or

    according to Avramovic's rate, that many German Marks, have been

    poured in Serbia's budget from Kosova alone. The largest amount

    comes from the taxes on salaries, turnover taxes, different othertaxes and finally confiscation of goods, which later became cash

    money. During extraordinary check-ups alone, the police collected

    7,8 million dinars, which is a huge amount of money knowing what

    the volume of payments and turnover of goods in this poor area

    is like.

    Compared to other centers, where without any doubt the consuming

    ability of citizens is much bigger, then Prishtina, i.e. Kosova,

    is in the last place. As it was expected, the largest amount of

    money was gathered in Belgrade - 92 millions, then in Kragujevac(tax region that includes Sandzak) - 70 millions, Nish - 54,7

    millions and Novi Sad - 53,5 millions. Regardless of the fact

    that Kosova, in all these amount, participates with only 9,7%,

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    nevertheless, this is a big burden it was subjected to through

    plunders, because Kosova could never make up one tenth of the

    turnover or payments of the self-proclaimed Yugoslavia.

    Expressing figures statistically, the engagement of the FinancialPolice in Kosova in the first three months is as follows: there

    were a total of 5.695 controls, 1.664 irregularities, 23

    enterprises were banned and misdemeanors charges were pressed

    against 799 persons. It is characteristic that the participation

    of Kosovan enterprises is the highest in the area of "ban of

    activities", for Nish and Kragujevac experienced a smaller amount

    of cases.

    ECONOMY

    "TREPA" IN DREAMS

    by IBRAHIM REXHEPI / Prishtina

    Once, late Tomislav Sekulic, had declared at the Parliament of

    the self-proclaimed Yugoslavia that "Trepa" produced for the

    British, later for Germans and after World War II for Albanians,

    and "when we cleansed it from separatists, ie. when we took it

    in our hands, it was destroyed". Such an ascertainment has muchin common with reality, since from the first day exploitation

    started, somewhere before the forties, this metallurgic and

    mining giant, had never been in a deeper crisis, or almost facing

    a dead end. Despite the statements which march down the Serbian

    media, that "Trepa" is resuscitating, that the Serbian state is

    investing in new production, the truth is totally different:

    6.500 people are employed in "Trepa", and 2.800 people are on

    compulsory or sick leave, for a long period of time no metals

    have been extracted, it seems as if the refinishing chain is

    totally out of function, except in some rare cases when Vushtrri

    tin appears in the market. This situation can't be characterizedotherwise but as the silent destruction of "Trepa".

    Looking at it realistically, "Trepa's" perspective starts being

    affected in 1988/89, in times of political events which were

    started by the miners, from the marches through towns up to the

    hunger strike. It was clear then, that nothing could be said

    about its economic prosperity. Even though not only during these

    years but even earlier, many things in the economic aspect were

    unclear, there were some visions on how to overcome the difficult

    situation and strengthen this giant which once employed 27thousand people.

    Aziz Abrashi, the last Albanian director, says that the material

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    basis then was poor, but he potential we grounded ourselves on

    was giving hope. The lead refinery had the capacity of 151

    thousand tons of metal ore, lead electrolysis could produce 50

    thousand tons of metal, and we were working on the extension of

    its capacities and the increase of production for additional 30thousand tons, we produced 34 thousand tons of batteries, and at

    the same time we produced 113 tons of silver and 273 kilograms

    of gold, of high quality. Therefore, what we achieved then,

    should have not been underestimated, and "the fact that the gold

    that Trepa produces is not good even for a pair of teeth" was

    not a true statement.

    However, everything is linked to the general events in Kosova.

    The expulsion of miners and their replacement with miners from

    Serbia, Montenegro and even from Bosnia and Herzegovina failed

    at the start. A forcible manager of Trepa in 1991 had declaredthat "instead of getting miners we got drunkards, and the most

    exploited raw material is alcohol". On the other hand, any

    ignition of the high-ovens was announced pompously, qualifying

    it a victory of the new rule in Kosova - the Serbian rule.

    If there were condition to bring back all the dismissed workers

    to Trepa, to open the market and have even foreign capital

    flowing in, it is very hard to say when would it become strong

    enough again. The fact that the majority of the galleries are

    flooded since some time, as is the case with Stantrg, Kishnica

    and Novobrda mines, and that part of the equipment hasdeteriorated, has been destroyed or demolished since it quit

    being used. However, the old problem is the lack of

    synchronization of capacities. The lead metallurgy, zinc

    electrolysis as well as the other producing capacities were very

    large compared to the possibilities the mines had. This meant

    that the producing capacities didn't have enough raw material,

    and this is why Trepa often bought lead or zinc concentrate.

    Otherwise, the explored reserves are large, i.e., they promise

    a long life for this combine. The supposition is that Stantrg

    has 18,9 millions of tons of reserves of different metal ores,

    Novobrda has around 10 million tons and Kopaonik mines around5,6 million tones of ore. The analyses made ten years ago

    ascertained that this quantity of ore could allow the production

    of 227,4 tons of silver per year, while the amount of gold which

    could be produced was top secret.

    If we purposely leave aside the economic logic, which in these

    circumstances can't help us draw a normal conclusion, it should

    be nevertheless said that the ore is waiting for the miners, and

    which will they be, Serbs, Albanians, English, Germans or any one

    else, will depend on the political solution for this area.

    Serbia attempted to convert Trepa into state property through

    transformations. According to the documents, it managed to do it,

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    families from Stantrg who knocked on the doors of the Trade-

    Union officials of the Republic of Kosova asking for assistance,

    said: "Finally, 22 families got 25 kilos of flour each. This is

    what we gained".

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    APPENDIX

    J A V O R E / Albanian weekly

    P.O. BOX 202

    38000 PRISHTINA

    Issued by the KOHA Editorial Board

    English Edition: KOHA

    Contact Person: Filloreta Bytyqi

    Phone & Fax: +381 38 31 031+381 38 31 036

    Modem: +381 38 31 276

    E-Mail: [email protected]