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8/14/2019 Koha Digest 72 (1995)
1/21
The weekly Koha (The T imes) was published in Prishtina (Kosovo) between 1994 and 1997. E dited by VetonSurroi, a young Kosovar journalist and one of the pioneers of democratisation in former Y ugoslavia, Koha
soon became a symbol of quality among the region's media. In 1997 it started to be published daily under the
name of Koha Ditor. With the kind permission of Mr. Surroi, Koha digests were originally posted on
http://koha.estudiosbalcanicos.org.
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Koha Digest # 72
EDITORIAL
THE TRAIN OF THE RELIGIOUS CALENDAR
by VETON SURROI
Both say they used to work in a bank and that several years ago they were declared, as many
others in Jagodina, technological overplus. They sit on top of a bag full of Korean false
training suits, silk blouses "which one can quite fine wear with pants or skirts", ten new
"chic" hair-ribbons, and two packs of "Pamper's" baby diapers. This is what they have
declared to the customs officer when crossing the Hungarian-Serb (Hungarian-Vojvodinian?)
border. Who knows what else remained undeclared in the bags they were sitting on, in the lastwagon attached to the wagon-lite of "Balkan Express", the filthy train circulating with the
same intensity from Munich to Istanbul, as in times when the Turkish gastarbeiters carried the
first black&white TV sets.
"My husband was also sacked, and there is nothing else for me but cross the border as many
times as possible and bring in goods", says one of them. Once the border is crossed, the
number of those claiming that they had gone from Serbia to Hungary to buy things, to
smuggle them in and hence sustain their families, increases. The train to Budapest suddenly
becomes the train of purchasing social peace. And his ordinary soldiers are conscious of this:
"We will show that guy, Milosevic. As soon as we catch him", a furious female voice isheard.
Why is it? Because "no one may beat the people", "we can't work, but we sure can fight", "all
Serbs should live in one state", "we don't fear anyone, NATO nor the world", "Serbia will
have a 10 thousand dollars income per inhabitant", "Ksova is the heart of Serbia", "Krajina is
the heart of Serbia", "Bosnian Serbs are the Heart of Serbia", "200 thousand refugees from
Krajina arrived to the heart of Serbia and if fighting around Banja Luka continues, the number
could be much bigger"... Because of all the words said so far by the leaders and which,
weighed on the crossing the border balance, weigh less than the goods bought in Budapest's
market.
The two ladies rest in the silence of the coupe. There are no more customs officers and only
the arrival of a policeman who would ask "have you bought anything for a two years old
child", could be expected to thus collect the tax on the spot. They know where they will take
the goods. Market days from Sumadija up to the Serbian side of Morava are marked in the
religious calendar. They will see what God has foreseen for them, in what village will they be
next week. As for the people they belong to, the religious calendar is almost the only secure
thing that can foresee the next and all the other coming weeks.
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KOSOVA
STILL OPTIMISTIC
by BATON HAXHIU / Prishtina
Autonomy, a magic word constantly repeated in ordinary talks in
Kosova these days. Where does this solution, which was never part
of the options of the Kosovan political parties, come from?
Albanians, enthusiastic about the many visits of outstanding diplomats
and ordinary people who visited Kosova several years in a row,
forgot that the problem of Kosova must be their own burden. The
conviction was that everything was placed in the hands of the foreign
diplomats. Finally seeing that the attitude towards this problem was
getting other dimensions than the ones imagined, the diplomatic
circles started framing Kosova and its problem within the internal planof the future Yugoslav state. For a long time, these statements were
not paid any attention to in Kosova, and optimistic statements would
be revealed without any political concept or pragmatism.
The first break happened at the London Conference and after
Carrington's Plan. Even though that plan seemed to be much more
favorable than any others presented so far, because it was limited with
Knin's precedent which has now been destroyed. A stiff atmosphere
was created afterwards, and the whole national plan was restricted to
individuals and the expectations that everything would be solvedaccording to the promises that derived from the optimistic statements.
The sentences "our peaceful policy is supported" was since then
interpreted by some political circles as a support for the independence
of Kosova. The political rhetoric "everything will be fine", as well as
the "whatever God has foreseen" philosophy, dominated. Not even the
statements at the American Congress didn't upset the Albanians and
their political structure, even in cases when it was nakedly said that
"The International Community is largely opposing independent
Kosova. The majority of the states are concerned that the secession
of Kosova from Serbia can not be applied pacifically...".
Even though they knew, because they had heard it so many times,
people started believing in the three theories which had circulated in
the branches and sub-branches of the parties in Kosova, that "Kosova
had the absolute support of the West"; "The solution to Kosova's
problem is closed in Ibrahim Rugova's envelope (!)" and "All
intellectual heads of Kosova are gathered around the LDK and
Ibrahim Rugova".
A diplomat, speaking of these three theses, explained the phenomenonin this way: it is true that Kosova and Rugova have the support of the
West, but only for the peaceful policy; claiming that Rugova holds the
solution to Kosova's problem in his pocket is also true, but that
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solution is autonomy - as far as it concerns the foreign diplomatic and
political circles. In regard to the third thesis, I can't say whether the
best intellectuals are gathered around him, but I have spoken to other
intellectuals outside his circle, and I ascertain that they have a higher
intellectual and diplomatic level than the ones I have met at Mr.Rugova's (sic).
The second break occurred when many intellectuals who visited
Kosova later, found themselves with three or more options, which
according to them, was more a result of the static application of the
international terminology and nit a result of a real political and
diplomatic analysis. Having in mind these difficulties, the Albanian
side presented "softened" requests about the political status of
Kosova, e.g. "Kosova, independent and neutral state under
international civil trusteeship". All these titles would be envied by any
state which has sovereignty and independence, they would say. Forarguments sake, we will quote statements delivered at the American
Congress, which usually served as grounds for our politics. In regard
to the trusteeship, the statement was the following: "We have large
reserves towards the practicality of such option. Serbia's consent
would be necessary for any application of this idea. This, can't be
imposed. The US government will continue raising Kosova's issue
and the need for the restoration of the autonomy".
And, for this reason, one could hear foreign diplomats visiting
Kosova ask: "if great powers would recognize Kosova'sindependence, then could Kosova manage to safeguard it without
war?". And then further on, an ascertainment: "But, if the great
powers would consider that recognizing sovereign Kosova would
mean expanding war, which would siginify its conversion into a
Balkans war, then the priority would be not to recognize Kosova as
an independent state, regardless of whether it deserves is or not".
Diplomats would add, "there is no war here". There were even cases
in which high ranked officials would ask our officials: "We listened
to your problems and requests, but tell us, how can we help your
independence?"
All of these ended with the dilemma whether we were capable of
elaborating a national policy to accomplish what was promised to the
people in Kosova during the 1992 free elections. Once again it should
be reminded that the promises were the constitution of statal
institutions and a serious organization of our policy and institutions.
And now, there is more talk than ever that we have created fictitious
institutions just to forget the problem asphyxiating us all over.
The third break came with the elaboration of the Vance-Owen Plan
which forgot Kosova, treating it determinately as a territory in which
the sovereignty of Serbia ought to be established. Everyone wasawaiting for the issue of Krajina to be solved, and it would have set
a precedent for Kosova. And so, some isolated voices were heard,
e.g. Azem Vllasi's, saying "the establishment autonomy is possible,
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as a provisional phase towards statehood". This statement was
criticized also because, apart from the optimistic verbal statements of
some politicians, nothing new was happening in Kosova.
The fourth break came with Sali Berisha's visit to the USA. Manyfinally got it clear, that whatever was said so far, is nil. Sali Berisha
declared, not hesitating at all: "There were promises about the
reinstallment of the democratic space in Kosova". This was the
message and agreement of the Albanian President. Full stop!
Immediately afterwards, LDK's vice-chairman Hydajet Hyseni comes
out and in the name of the people declares: "Rugova will sign for the
Republic and never for an Autonomy", while the other vice-chairman,
Fehmi Agani, declares to VOA: "America's Plan to recognize the
Serbian statal entity in Bosnia with possibilities for confederacy links
with Serbia opens paths for Kosova and similar solutions". What
should we do, and who should we listen to? This ascertainment onlyproves the fact that our whole policy is based on expectations and
profiting on the results of the conflict between the other parts in
conflict. But doesn't this ascertainment have a counter-argument?
What if Bosnian Serbs don't accept these confederacy links?
Finally, all these parallels end with Holbrooke's and Bidlt's plan, who
didn't include Kosova in the global solution, at all.
In continuation to all of this, the list of accounts in completed with
Kinkel's statement about the redefinition of the former Yugoslav
space, that "Serbia is requested to have a just posture towards theminorities, especially in Kosova". This ascertainment is followed with
a statement of Senator Dole, referring to American assistance for
Kosova and the Former Yugoslavia, when he said: "The Clinton
Administration Plan doesn't include Kosova's issue. This is wrong".
The same day, President Rugova declared: "I am optimistic, more
than ever"!
MACEDONIA
ALBANIANS AS AN EQUAL COMMUNITY TO THE MACEDONIANS
PPDSH, a party seated in Tetova presented its draft-project,
elaborated by the professional team for the revision of the
Constitution of Macedonia and its adoption according to the political
and historic reality of the people which live in this Republic. The
professional team of this party, in cooperation with the Independent
Jurists' Association of Kosova presented it's draft Law on Official
Use of Languages and Scripts in the Republic of Macedonia, as well
as a text referring to Amendments I-VII to the Constitution of theRepublic of Macedonia. This project was presented by PPDSH as a
request of Albanians within the framework of the ICFY, which will
probably also discuss the problems in FYROM. According to this
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project, Albanians ought to be constituents of this Republic and,
according to the team, this request is grounded on the principled,
historic and actual argument...
I. INTRODUCTORY REMARKS
Starting from the fact that this is a historical time, in which states
disintegrate and new states are created, when elementary rights are
gained and lost, when relations of equality, domination or
subordination are determined, and when the new system of values is
indubitably defined, we believe that the deductive method should be
applied in these conversations, the definition of the premises which
will subsequently determine the conclusion.
The use of the inductive method, in this historic period, will be
productive, it will create confusion, it will allow the elimination of anindefinite list of consequences, but the cause will not be touched, but
it will constantly remain the generator of crisis.
States are usually established in war, in which the winner imposes its
will for political, national, economic, cultural, etc. domination, with
the elaboration of a constitution which guarantees this, with an
agreement between the groups of interest and a trusteeship when
plausible standards for both the internal and external factors are
imposed from outside.
ICFY offers the possibility to solve old conflicts and actual interests,
internal and external, through an agreement, by respecting the
standards which imply the idea to respect the individual and collective
rights, to eliminate the possibilities of systematic domination of a
humans over humans, a community over a community.
After the destruction of the agreement which created the former
SFRY, the phenomenon of the domination of a group which is defined
as a people, religion or culture, over another group declared an
antipode which should be destroyed, appeared.
The elimination is done by war, ethnic cleansing, the delegalization
which creates the phenomenon of marginalization up to the creation
of the system of apartheid as the one existing in Kosova.
ICFY should prevent the creation of societal formations which install
the will of domination of one community over the other, and impose
the standardization which guarantees equality, competition and
diversity of values.
II. MACEDONIA
Despite how much the Macedonian-Albanian negotiations with the
mediation of the ICFY are described with the actual political
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dimension, and that of security, nevertheless the scientific and historic
dimension can't be neglected, for the sake of a long term solution.
Before an issue turns into a juridical one, it is a historical issue,
which contains that decisive intention, converted into strong nationaland cultural conscience, i.e. the will to be different.
In Macedonia, which is today defined as FYROM, two large national
ethnic communities live one aside the other, as they have been doing
for hundreds of years, of special characteristics which eliminate any
chances for assimilation: the Albanian, autochthonous, descendant of
Illyrians, and the Slavic, identified with the Macedonian name.
Both communities have their national and political history, cultural
and religious heritage, similar aspirations to belong to a national trunk
or to create a new trunk.
There have never been larger conflict between these two communities,
but in cases when the Slavic interest and its civil code was intended
to be applied in these areas.
In situations of external crises, starting from the Turk invasion, the
mythic Battle of Kosova and up to World War II, the Slavic
Community, Serb or Macedonian, sent signals for a joint war and in
the name of common interests and coexistence.
Albanians almost regularly supported this call, since the Battle of
Kosova and up to the Republic of Krusevo and the anti-Fascist war.
The Kosovan-Macedonian Brigade fought in Macedonia, as well as
many partisan units from Albania which liberated the towns in
Macedonia, Kosova and Sandzak holding the Albanian flag. The
disputes between the Slavic community, Serbs and Macedonians, and
Albanians occurred when the fruits of the joint victory had to be split.
Albanians, mainly because they lacked a protector, a strong ally,
despite the ethnic, geographic compactness, economic and cultural
autonomy, etc., didn't achieve their historical aspirations, but were
forced, be it by force or attractive offers, to coexist with the Slavs.
At the beginning, when the offers and agreements were still fresh,
Albanians had principled rights, which they lost gradually. With the
1946 Constitution, they were defined as a people, in 1974 as a
"nationality", meanwhile the 1989 amendments defined them as a
"minority".
In the 1974 Constitution of the SR of Macedonia, in the preamble,
Macedonia was defined as a national state of the Macedonian people
and the Albanian nationality, while the "democratic" Constitution ofNovember 17, 1991, ending this reductionist tendency, defines
Macedonia as a national state of Macedonians guaranteeing civil rights
to Albanians, as in any other part of the world.
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This was done in the name of the historic, cultural and spiritual
heritage of the Macedonian people and thus oppress through
repression the parallel heritage of the Albanian people.
Article 7 of this Constitution declares the Macedonian language and
the cyrillic alphabet as official and hence creates concrete obstaclesfor the development of the specifics of the Albanians.
Articles 177, 178, 179, 180, 181, 182, 183 of the Constitution of the
Republic of Macedonia adopted in 1974, had directly and broadly
regulated the equal rights of Albanians in the area of language,
proportional representation in the executive and legislative powers,
education, the use of national symbols, etc.
The 1991 Constitution not only doesn't respect the rights inherited
from the previous system, but contains no airs of democratic values
which should affirm the right to cultivate the diversities, plural
interests, in the political, national, economic, cultural, religiousspheres, which automatically means decentralization.
Thus, always considering that this is a historical moment, times of
principles and not procedures, time of historical agreements,
unrepeatable chances to reach historical interests, times of
standardization, we believe that without changing the Constitution of
Macedonia, the concept of a societal formation which allows the
domination of a collectivity over another, there can't be long-term
harmonizations of interests between Macedonians and Albanians.
III. WHAT SHOULD THE DEMOCRATIC CONSTITUTION OF
MACEDONIA CONTAIN
Albanians should by all means be treated as an equal community to
the Macedonian one. With the ruin of the Former Yugoslavia, all
people automatically gain the right to self-determination which was
finally realized in the referendums declared and celebrated throughout
Yugoslavia, including Macedonia. This will can't be oppressed by
force.
Albanians in the former Yugoslavia live in compact ethnic andgeographic territories bounded with the fatherland and which were
divided unjustly in 1913, at the London Ambassadors Conference.
They, because they make the majority and are an autochthonous
people, with their own history, culture and ethnic specifics, they
can't, in any way be treated as a minority, but only as a divided
people.
In Macedonia, they should gain the status of a constituent people, not
to create a counter-position to the repression of the Macedonian
establishment, but because they, starting from the Republic ofKrusevo, have always been treated as a constituent.
Only the re-recognition of this status can be the grounds for a new
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referendum which would annul the request grounded on the
Referendum for territorial-political autonomy of Albanians in
Macedonia.
The request to have Albanians as bearers of the sovereignty inMacedonia has the following grounds:
principled, because of their right over their ethnic lands they have
lived in since the earliest periods, where they have created their
ethnicity, national identity and where they actually live;
historical, because they won this right in 1903 with the proclamation
of the Republic of Krusevo, then in 1944 (ASNOM) and finally the
1974 Constitution of the SR of Macedonia; and
actual, because of the democratic processes which are developed inEurope and which reaffirm the acts of international law and the right
to self-determination of the people, the Final Helsinki Act (1975), the
Paris Charter for a new Europe (1990).
On these historical scientific grounds which ascertain the objective
existence of the ethnic, cultural diversity, the decisive will to cultivate
it as well as the global tendency to standardize these spaces within the
framework of the western values, an agreement on the elimination of
the antagonisms of the main ethnic communities in Macedonia can be
reached. An agreement which takes into consideration these realities,internal and external tendencies must be the first step, the second step
is the elaboration of the new Constitution which will contain the
premises of the agreement, and the third step is the loyalty towards
the common state, the new formation with the internal and external
legitimacy which will be given to it by the ICFY.
The methodology applied so far, the imposition of a Constitution, a
concept which doesn't respect the internal reality, the external one,
the inherited rights, then the request for loyalty from a large part of
the population, deeply dissatisfied with its status and finally, the
offers for dialogue, agreement within the institutions of the systemwhich in essence prevent what in reality has generated the crisis
which will be deformed even more.
Macedonia will be a stable state if in this time of historical
opportunity it develops on the grounds of the agreement between the
largest ethnic communities, which commonly would guarantee the
rights of the others who coexist with them.
Therefore, without facing the basic, principled issues, we will be
forced to act in the dimension of the consequences which wouldincrease more and more because:
- Albanians will not agree with the status and there will be more efforts to improve the
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situation; and
- the Macedonian establishment which installed an unnatural relation between two
communities will try to stop these attempts repressively and thus the inter-ethnic
relations will deteriorate, the system will be deformed and Macedonia will turn into apermanent focus of crisis, of non-productive confrontation, of violations of human
rights, of violations of European values and standards.
The only way out, regardless of the conjunctural and political
relations, is the respect of the Albanian interest in the system, not
threatening in any way the Macedonian interest.
Further, we present concrete proposals for the change of the
Constitution which was adopted despite the unison opposition of the
Albanian MPs.
The amendments which are offered contain also the responsibility for
the Albanian interest, and also the Macedonian, as well as the peace
in the region, eliminating, always respecting the international
standards, the factors of crisis and the inter-ethnic tensions.
THE LAW ON THE OFFICIAL USE OF LANGUAGES AND SCRIPTS IN THE
REPUBLIC OF MACEDONIA
Basic provisions
Article 1
The Macedonian and Albanian languages and scripts are in official
and equal use in the Republic of Macedonia. The equality of use of
the languages and scripts pursuant this Law implies the official
communication in one or the other language and their respective
scripts.
Article 2
The official use of languages and scripts pursuant this Law implies the
use of languages and scripts in the labor and communication of the
organs of government of the Republic, the regions, towns and
municipalities, organizations, enterprises and institutions which offer
public services to the citizens of the Republic.
THE PRACTICAL APPLICATION OF THE EQUALITY OF LANGUAGES AND
SCRIPTS
Article 3
The equality of the official use of the Macedonian and Albanian
languages and scripts is applied and accomplished in practice:
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- in verbal and written communications of the organs, organizations,
enterprises and institutions among themselves and the citizens;
- in the procedures of defense and realization of the rights, interests,
tasks and responsibilities of citizens and juridical persons;
- in the register of the evidences of the organs and other subjects;
- by issuing personal documents and other public documents to
workers and citizens;
- by writing the names, toponyms, firms, seals, inscriptions, names
of streets, squares, traffic signs, public advertisements, etc.
Article 4
The forms of public documents and those of the evidence must be
printed in the Macedonian and Albanian languages and scripts, while
the citizens are issued documents in one of those languages, according
to the national appertaining of the citizen, i.e. upon his/her request.
The texts of the laws and other acts of the governmental organs of the
Republic and other levels which are published in the "Official Gazette
of the Republic of Macedonia", are published in the Macedonian and
Albanian languages and scripts.
Article 6
The equality in the use of Macedonian and Albanian languages and
scripts is applicable in the army, in the communications with
diplomatic and consular offices of Macedonia.
Article 7
Organs, organizations and other subjects in Article 2 and 6 of this
law, are obliged to hold the name, seal-stamps and inscriptions in the
Macedonian and Albanian language and write them in both scripts.
Article 8
The Macedonian and Albanian languages and scripts are equal in
judicial, administrative and any other procedures conducted before the
governmental organs, organizations and other subjects at all decision-
making levels.
In procedures in which parties of different national appertaining take
place, the procedure is conducted in the official language of themajority of the parties, meanwhile the other party is enabled to
communicate in his/her language through interpreters, and the
decisions/verdicts are sent to them in their language.
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Parties in procedure have the right to present the organs requests,
pledges, appeals and acts in their own language. The statements of the
parties, witnesses, experts and the other participants in the procedure
are given in one of the official languages determined by this law. If
the person participating in the procedure doesn't speak any of theofficial languages, his/her statement will be translated into the
language in which the procedure is developed.
The costs of the translation will be covered by the organ conducting
the procedure.
MEANS FOR THE APPLICATION OF THE LAW
Article 9
The material and financial means for the application of this law areassured by the respective organs and these costs will be covered by
the state budget.
SANCTIONS
Article 10
Organs, organizations, enterprises and other subjects as well as their
responsible persons will be fined as follows for the violation of the
provisions of this law:
- the organ, organization or another subject will be fined from 3 to 5
thousand denars for denying or not enabling the party to officially use
the language or script guaranteed by this law, or if it doesn't issue a
public document in any of these languages, according to the national
appertaining of the parties, i.e. upon particular request;
- the person responsible will be also fined for the misdemeanour
defined above with 700 to 1000 denars;
- the organ, organization or institution which violates the provisionsof this law regarding the inscriptions, names, firms, seal-stamps,
traffic signs, publication of texts and other laws, will be fined from
5 to 10 thousand denars for misdemeanours or economic delict;
- the person responsible of the subject will also be fined from 1 to 2
thousand denars;
- if the misdemeanour or delict is repeated, the foreseen sanctions will
be tripled for each repetition.
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FINAL PROVISIONS
Article 11
The evidence, forms, names, seal-stamps, inscriptions and otherpublic inscriptions must be harmonized with this provision within 12
months from the adoption of this law.
From the day this law enters in force, all new procedures will apply
the provisions of this law in regard to the official use of languages
and scripts. The judicial, administrative and other procedures which
have started earlier and which have not ended before the deadline
determined in the previous paragraph, will end according to the
provisions of this law on the official use of languages and scripts.
Article 12
This law enters in force on the eighth day of its publication in the
"Official Gazette of the Republic of Macedonia".
Article 13
In units of local administration, where there is a considerable number
of members of other nationalities, the official language and script,
along the Macedonian and Albanian languages and scripts, will be the
language and script of that nationality.
PROPOSAL OF PPDSH'S PROFESSIONAL GROUP - TETOVA DRAFT
Amendments I-VII to the Constitution of the Republic of Macedonia
These amendments are part of the Constitution of Macedonia and
enter in force the day of their approval.
AMENDMENT I
1. The Republic of Macedonia is a sovereign, independent,democratic and social state of the Macedonian people, Albanian
people and the nationalities which live in Macedonia.
2. This amendment replaces Article 1:1 of the Constitution of
Macedonia.
AMENDMENT II
1. The official and equal languages in the Republic of Macedonia are
the Macedonian language and the cyrillic script and the Albanianlanguage and script.
2. In municipalities where other nationalities live in considerable
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numbers, the language and script of that nationality is official along
with the Macedonian and Albanian languages, pursuant the law and
the statute of the Municipality.
3. The freedom and equality of the languages and scripts implies theprivate of official communication in one or the other language and
script.
4. Laws, their authentic interpretations, provisions and other acts are
published as authentic texts in the Macedonian and Albanian
languages.
5. The way and conditions for the realization of the equality of the
official use of languages and scripts is regulated by a special law.
6. In the realization of their rights, interests, and obligations, allcitizens of the Republic of Macedonia have the right to use their
language before the organs or organizations which complete public
authorizations. The lack of knowledge of the language in which the
procedure is being conducted, can't be an obstacle in the realization
of the rights and interests of the citizens or juridical persons.
7. This amendment replaces Article 7 of the Constitution of
Macedonia.
AMENDMENT III
1. The citizens of the Republic of Macedonia can be educated in the
Macedonian and Albanian languages in all levels of education.
2. The members of the nationalities have the right to receive primary
and secondary education in their mother tongue, as well as the
superior education, in accordance with the law.
3. The citizens of the Republic of Macedonia can receive secondary
and superior education in foreign languages as determined by law.
4. This amendment replaces Article 48:4 of the Constitution of
Macedonia.
AMENDMENT IV
1. The laws, provisions and other acts will be published within seven
days from their approval in the "Official Gazette of the Republic of
Macedonia" in their authentic texts in the Macedonian and Albanian
language.
2. This amendment replaces Article 52:2 of the Constitution of
Macedonia.
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AMENDMENT V
(This amendment and its contents would replace Article 62:1 of the
Constitution, by determining the two-chamber structure of the
Parliament, with a determined number of MPs. This amendmentshould also regulate the way to decide by consensus about certain
issues in the chamber of people and nationalities - your wording)
AMENDMENT VI
1. The municipality, through its organs and in accordance with the
law:
- adopts the plans of development, urbanism, the budget and balance;
- regulates and assures the development and realization of themunicipal activities;
- regulates and assures the use of construction lots and business space;
- gives its opinion about the general urbanistic and space plan of the
republic;
- takes care of the construction, conservation of the roads of localities
and other public buildings of municipal importance;
- takes care of fulfilling the determined needs of the citizens in the
areas of culture, education, health-care and social-care, children's
protection, physical culture, public information, tourism, ecology and
other areas of direct interest of the citizens;
- applies laws and other acts of the Republic, whose application by
law, belongs to the municipality and assures the application of the
general acts and the other municipal provisions;
- it establishes organs, organizations and services for the needs of the
municipality and regulates the organization and their work;
- gives consent for the establishment of the branches and other units
of the ministries and statal organs of the republic seated in the
territory of the municipality, and proposes the foundation of these
statal organs aiming at the more efficient and rational realization of
the rights and obligations of the citizens of the territory of the
municipality;
- gives consent to the acts of the central organs of the Republic for
the appointment of officials, leaders and persons with specialauthorizations in the organs of the branches or regional units of
ministries and other statal organs, institutions and other public
institutions which are established by organs and organizations of the
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Republic based in the territory of the municipality;
- gives consent to acts for the election or appointment of the judicial
officers, judiciary or misdemeanours, as well as institutions for the
execution of sanctions which are based in the municipality;
- discusses annual reports of the regional organs and branches of
statal organs as well as institutions and other public entities which are
based in the territory of the municipality and gives its opinion about
the work of these institutional organs;
- achieves also other duties determined by the Constitution and laws,
as well as the statute of the Municipality.
2. This amendment replaces Article 115:1 of the Constitution of
Macedonia.
AMENDMENT VII
1. The proposal to change the Constitution of the Republic of
Macedonia can be presented by the President of the Republic, the
Government, at least 15 MPs or 50 thousand citizens.
2. This amendment replaces Article 130 of the Constitution of
Macedonia.
EDUCATION/BOOKS
ONE BOOK FOR FIVE GENERATIONS
by IBRAHIM REXHEPI / Prishtina
The new school year started without any bigger changes compared to
the previous years. Still, the children's school bags are full of
notebooks, mainly imported, and they have less and less books. Theelementary school pupils can manage somehow, but high school and
university students will not have a chance to study from a book, but
instead will have to use poor quality notes taken in class. This is very
clear element which illustrates the quality of education. Is this the
pupils' and students' fault maybe? Of course, the reply is negative,
because they accepted to pay every book from their short pockets,
even the ones which were imposed on them even though the texts had
not the approval of the educational subjects. On the other hand, the
subjects linked to this segment, the Ministry of Education, the School
Book Publisher and even the Financing Council didn't coordinate theirlabors as they should have and thus ease the problem a bit. This
problem becomes actual each September, or at the beginning of the
new school or academic year, meanwhile the rest of the months are
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characterized with silence. Would there be any chance to actualize the
matter earlier, and not the day classes start? Xhevat Syla, Editor in
Chief of the School-Book Publisher, says that his institution is
preoccupied with the matter during the whole year, but that "the
circumstances in which we are working, are not our allies"."Circumstances" imply the lack of freedom to act, the confiscated
material, repression and police persecution. It is a success, or a
failure, depending on the evaluation, but since the coercive measures
were implemented in the only institution in charge of publishing
school books, 84 books were published, out of which 70 are for
elementary schools, and the others are for high schools. Our
collocutor says that this is not something to be underestimated.
Nevertheless, in the first couple of years after the expulsion, the
coercive management eased the situation a bit, by allowing a part of
books confiscated in the warehouses to be sold. However, in 1993,all school books which were at that time stored in the warehouse,
mainly Albanian language, history, geography, figurative culture,
musical art and social studies books, were destroyed. Some of them
would have been used today.
From this it became evident that elementary schools achieved to keep
the necessary fundus of school-books, while the publication of high-
school and University books stagnated. Even though the latter has
attempted to publish a book or two, the situation is serious in the
secondary education. The old books were either sold or destroyed,and new books were not published.
Among the capital works of the Publisher, Xhevat Syla stresses the
new language, literature and history books, which are being done on
harmonized curricula between the working groups of Kosova and
Albania. Last year, the Publisher printed the language book for the
second grade, and this year, it is working on the book for the third
and sixth grade. The publisher also published "Let's Learn the History
of Our People", and till the end of the year, they are expecting the
publication of the history books for the fifth and sixth grades and first
year of high school. "We have been trying to assure these bookssuccessively from one year to the other. We have issued English books
for elementary schools and high schools but the senior year, which is
expected to be published by the end of the calendar year. For the first
time this year, the mathematics book and notebook, as well as
teacher's guide book for the first grade of elementary school can be
found. Next year, we will publish the book for the second grade,
which means that the generation which starts school this year, will be
successively getting the adequate books.
This year we had an ambitious plan for publication of books forelementary and high schools. We planned to publish 37 and managed
to publish 21 books. We expect that the rest will be published soon
and will be applicable during the school year. The biggest delay will
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be that of "Lecture 3" and "Literary Lecture 6", which were caused
by the authors and the assertion of the joint curricula - says Syla.
Such delays created a vacuum in the book market. And it was taken
advantage by crooks, who without anyone's consent, started
publishing school-books. This phenomenon appeared last year, whenthe owner of "Berati" print plant photocopied the "Abecedaire" and
some other books. The photocopied book was sold at the price of 5
DEM, or 1,5 DEM more than the official price. This year, apart
from this plant, others in Prishtina and Mitrovica started doing the
same. This book is still being sold at a high price.
The management of the Publisher states that "they know of these
people who are involved in this "activity", and then we know how
many copies they have printed, how much money they obtained and
where they have distributed the books. But, what can we do? We have
no institution which could prevent the pirate publications".
The vacuum, i.e. the lack of books mainly results from the
impossibility to have all projects on time, then the difficulties to
distribute the book to a book-shop or school. This is the reason why
the books are not always in the same place. This is why the parents
or pupils are forced to walk around a lot to find the books elaborated
according to the new curricula. The fact that distribution is not well
organized, is proven by the in the way that this task has become the
teachers' obligation, who are obliged to collect the money from the
pupils and obtain books for them.
Is it that there are no books because of lack of money? No one can
use this as an excuse for a bad performance. Ismajl Kastrati,
Chairman of the Central Financing Council, states that "...the part
coming from the 3% and dedicated for this purpose, has regularly
reached its destination. Whether this amount was sufficient or not, it
is up to the officials to know, but since I have become in charge of
this Council, we have never refused any request. All our financing is
done in the form of investing in projects. The Publisher offers its
projects, it offers the texts that are ready for publication, shows the
price, sets the price and we discuss the possibility to cover theexpenses. It could be that there are not enough funds, but the money
is found later.
We don't gift any money to the Publisher. It is obliged to give back
the money upon the sale of the books, and the purpose is to create a
reproducing chain, i.e. to finance the other books by selling the
previous. However, the Publisher didn't pay back the debt, i.e.
returned only a part of the money. We have still not made a balance
which would present the relations between the Financing Council and
the Publisher, but from now on, things will go differently. This year,we have signed an agreement, determining the way the funds will be
used, the dynamics of returning the debt and our control and
supervision of the distribution. Our people will control the number of
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published books, their distribution, the formation of prices and the
amount of money gathered from the sale. I can say that we will
always have a clear picture of what is going on with the books - says
Kastrati.
Xhevat Syla doesn't deny the fact that the Publisher is owing money
to the Fund, and stressed that the money coming from the Council is
only a loan and that the debt should be paid back. The material
support we have from the Government, as well as many donors
outside Kosova, but also the domestic ones, made the publication of
books possible, concluded Syla.
Anyhow, the school-books are also facing problems not hard to go
over, or as our collocutors say, it is facing a situation that doesn't
stimulate it. While in Kosova there are several ministries (of
education), sub-ministries and over-ministries, in times when thecontradictions between the educational institutions are more and more
evident, then things can't go the way they should in this area, either.
Pupils and students are trying to adapt to the "new educational
circumstances" which are characterized with the surpassed methods
(pencil, notebook and dictation).
This is suiting the ones who are profiting personally from the
situation. Unfortunately, there are quite some profiters around.
EDUCATION/BOOKS
OUR EDUCATIONAL NEVER-ENDING PROBLEMS
by ILAZ THAI / Prishtina
"The book is my best friend". Probably everybody remembers the old
cliche repeated to us by our old teachers.
Today, even though the book still remains one's best friend, it is veryhard to find it in book-shops, and if you do, it will cost you quite
much.
It regards the difficulties that the parents are facing when trying to
purchase books for their children. What makes the problem even
more serious is that the books are partially distributed and the
completion of sets of books is almost impossible. The problem of the
publication and distribution of school books is a responsibility of the
School-Book Publisher of Kosova, and it is a very serious problem in
the present conditions.
But, how much can the lack of books in our book-stores be justified
with the difficult conditions, when the majority of private book-shop
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owners has asked the Publisher to provide them with certain
contingents of books, conscious that they could face problems with
the police. Mainly, the complaints of the private owners are addressed
to the Publisher. An owner of a book-store in Prishtina, near the
market, says that the request he sent to the Publisher was not takeninto consideration last nor this year. Meanwhile, we were told that
another book-store, behind the Theatre in Prishtina, was furnished
with books for the 1995/96 school year. The truth was that we could
only find the English book for the first year of high school, at the
price of 12 dinars (5 DEM). Then the question justly arises: why is
it that some book-stores in Peja, Gjilan, Gjakova, etc. are full of
books, it can't be that the needs in those areas are bigger!
The truth remains elsewhere, for sure. Maybe the reason is that some
years ago, private book-stores refused to receive materials and books
from the Publisher - as one of the managers of the Publisher whowishes to remain anonymous admits. On the other hand, this
institution is publishing, distributing and selling text-books from
certain places, where the pupils can buy books directly, and where the
price of the book is 4-5 DEM.
But, the illegal competition is there too. Seemingly, "Rilindja" started
re-publishing the book "History of the Albanian People" (for high
schools) without the permission of the authors and the changes
introduced in the curricula. Consequently, the book was distributed
in the schools, without the consent of the Ministry of Education ofKosova, which forced it to react harshly and request the distribution
to stop immediately, for only the Ministry is competent to elaborate
the curricula. What is worse, this book was offered to the students at
the price of 17 DEM, or some 40 dinars!
Is there a special commission or body of the Government of Kosova
(!) which would control the amount of money given to the Publisher;
to check-up and prevent manipulations which are done and whose
immediate victims are the pupils, students and their parents?
What about the quality?
The quality of the books published this year by the Publisher is
worse. The book of such quality can't be used over a year.
Apart from this, the majority of books published are filmed in only
two colors, black and white, and are usually of the same content as
the old ones(!), except some which have undergone specific serious
changes or few cosmetic changes. Naturally, their price is as high as
the one of good paper quality or filmed in many colors.
Several principals insist that the school-books should be sold in thebook-stores in town, or be sold in different points which would be
open for all, and not allow the sales to be done in the way or interest
of the ones who are selling the books.
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The town of Prishtina which has 15 elementary schools and a large
number of high schools must have at least three book-stores which
would more or less ease the chaotic situation which is reigning in the
segment of the offer and purchase of books. And these would only
sell school-books.
After all what has been said, the conclusion could be that the
contracts between the selling points and the schools are done as it
suits the first. In the case of one elementary school, it was offered a
certain number of sets of books for all classes and also given the
possibility to pay the books in instalments, a thing which was not
applicable in the largest school in Prishtina, where the management
was told to make an advance payment first, and then get the books.
And even though the school agreed to do so, it didn't receive the
whole contingent! And then another detail from the same school. Lastyear, they managed to keep some 150 "ABC" books for the coming
year, and just before the new year started, the Ministry of Education
informed them that a new book would be used in the coming year. So
the teachers had to collect the money from the children and parents
again, and buy new books. And what happened? The books were
identical (!?!).
Where is the coordination?
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APPENDIX
J A V O R E / Albanian weekly
P.O. BOX 202
38000 PRISHTINA
Issued by the KOHA Editorial Board
English Edition: KOHA
Contact Person: Filloreta Bytyqi
Phone & Fax: +381 38 31 031
+381 38 31 036
Modem: +381 38 31 276
E-Mail: [email protected]