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The weekly Koha (The T imes) was published in Prishtina (Kosovo) between 1994 and 1997. E dited by VetonSurroi, a young Kosovar journalist and one of the pioneers of democratisation in former Y ugoslavia, Koha

soon became a symbol of quality among the region's media. In 1997 it started to be published daily under the

name of Koha Ditor. With the kind permission of Mr. Surroi, Koha digests were originally posted on

http://koha.estudiosbalcanicos.org.

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Koha Digest # 67 (16.08.1995)

EDITORIAL

HOW MUCH WILL KRAJINA COST KOSOVA?

by VETON SURROI

The last two days of the Croatian warring week-end, offensive "Storm" which liberated

Krajina, were followed in Kosova as if it were a foot-ball championship: in the evenings,

whoever had a satellite antenna, was closely following HTV (Croatian TV), centring the

attention on the whole list of towns and villages in which Croat "Rambos" were entering and

which were fled by Serb "Kninjas" and their families. Even the ones lacking interest so far,

started making deep geo-strategic analyses, making different comments in regard to the maps.The reactions heard in the town ranged from the happiness because it was proven that the

Serbian army can be defeated (contrary to what the West was saying, trying to justify its own

noninvolvement) and up to the question, what can this bring to Kosova?

Following, are some brief points which can clarify the "Kosovan balance" of the Croat

offensive.

THE LOSS OF ONE "K"?

The first thought about the Serbian defeat in Croatia is that the international negotiators canno more draw any parallel lines between the future constitutional position of Krajina (now

former Krajina) and Kosova. However unacceptable this parallel was from the previous

constitutional aspect (Krajina was not a federal unit of SFRY), the parallel was also

unapplicable in the way the positions were reached: Krajina, with a quite quick insurrection

(now finalized), Kosova with an ancient dispute with Serbia.

But, the loss of one "K" in the drawn parallel leaves the international negotiators with only

one "point of territorial pressure": the principle of the eventual victory of Karadzic (Mladic)

must be applicable in the case of Kosova. Again the principle of violence and force in

parallels which can't stand. And the orientation towards the "motherlands".

THE MILITARY AS MAIN NEGOTIATORS?

After four years under occupation, Croatian president Tudjman proved again that the best

negotiators are the military: the stronger, less the negotiations needed. A great minus for

Kosova.

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FINAL DECISIONS

The complicated plans are not valid any more. They must be as simple as possible, and they

must split the people definitely. This is the bottom line of the Croat offensive, which solved

the Serbian issue in Croatia with only one strike. The Serbs in towns, outside Krajina, wereanyways not engaged in the insurrection, and can continue living as they have done so far.

The total number of Serbs in Croatia could reach (if Serbs are lucky) the symbolic 5%.

A message for Kosova: the territorial division between Serbs and Albanians. This message

should include also the presence of Serb refugees from Croatia: they must also become part of

the division balance. As usually in these areas: by force.

BOSNIA AND KOSOVA

The solution of the Serbian issue in Croatia will further make Croatia try and find a final

demarcation with the Serbs. Eastern Slavonia is not that important as Bosnia is: the final

Croat-Serb split will have the form of Greater Serbia and Greater Croatia, respectively, be inthe option of a Serb-Serb confederation or the Croat-Bosnian confederacy. The same way the

Serbs and Croats are settling their dues outside their states, there are opinions in Belgrade that

Belgrade and Tirana must do the same thing about Kosova. Split.

THE BIG SEEK THE STRONG

Croatia did what NATO planes should have done: defend Bihac. It also did something else:

freed itself from future negotiations about Krajina.

For the international community, so far inefficient, there is a new solution: the balance ofregional forces which arise from the former Yugoslavia. In the present split, Croatia gains the

role of a Western power (with the American-German support), Serbia that of an Eastern

power (with the Russian support). In the balance of the three main national issues arising

from the former Yugoslavia, the third point of the triangle is missing: Albanians and Albania.

INTERVIEW

MISHA GLENNY, Journalist

WHY I AM PESSIMISTIC (II)

Interviewed by ISO RUSI / Shkup

Misha Glenny is a trade-mark for the Westerners, about what he writes and says in regard to

the crisis in Yugoslavia. BBC's correspondent during the disintegration of the Former

Yugoslavia, Glenny was the lonely voice in his announcements about the bloody war which is

going on today. His two books about the former Yugoslavia are school text-books for

diplomats who deal with the region and "Bibles" for journalists who come tosee what the

hell is going on in the Balkans and "understand" the situation in a fortnight. For over twoyears he has been a free-lance journalist, based in Thessaloniki. At the end of this month he

will start an eight months residence in Washington, where invited by a foundation, he will be

finishing his new book. Naturally, the topic is, again, this part of the Balkans.

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GLENNY: I don't know, we still don't know what is going to happen with the new realtion of

forces. The current situation in the Balkans has changed, too. There seems to be a wrong

impression that the Balkans have always been so, and will always be they way they are.

However, each time, it is different. The key issue is that for the first time in history, theMuslim and Macedonian factors feel as independent historical subjects. This means that the

situation in Bosnia is much more complicated than, for example, in WWII. Because, they

refuse to have the same role they had during WWII - to go along with Croats. Today, they

hate Croats, the same way they hate Serbs - and the Croats hate them the same way they hate

Serbs.

Thus, Muslims want to be a subject for the first time.

Macedonians also want to become a subject for the first time. This means that for the first

time we have two people with independent politics, and this shows a totally new Balkans,

different from the one in WWII, it is a new line of forces of the West and Russia, and a neworder of forces in the Balkans proper, even though all of them are linked to the relations

existing in the past 50 years of Former Yugoslavia. Tradition, no doubt, but history goes

ahead.

KOHA: But, Bosnia is the continuation of the scenario of the destruction of Yugoslavia, with

unpredictable cruelty. The scenario was planned to be applied in Kosova and Macedonia.

This is clear. This is what was said after independence of Slovenia.

GLENNY: I believe that Kosova is not next, because the relation of forces there is a bit

different. There, the Serbs hold them all - before all, the weapons - while Albanians have nooption to raise their heads. They have Rugova's option, that of peaceful resistance, which

means that if Kosova Albanians are armed, then Serbs, who like Albanians even less than

Muslims, will have no problems to "Rwandaise" the situation in the Balkans. There will be a

lot of blood. This is why I say that the situation in Bosnia is very similar to the one in

Macedonia.

The key issue is that even though there is no war of Serbs and Croats around Macedonia,

nevertheless, Macedonia remains a very unstable state, because it is surrounded by four

neighbors which have no normal relations with it. Even more, one of the neighbors

categorically denies its recognition (Greece); the other recognizes the state, but not the people

(Bulgaria); the other acknowledges the people, but not the state (Serbia); Albaniansacknowledge the people - even though there are problems with Berisha in this aspect - while

the state, because of the Albanian minority in Macedonia, has not such good relations with

Macedonia. Both Macedonia and Bosnia are of strategic importance in the Balkans. I believe

that Muslims and Macedonians entered the Balkans game too late, because each time there

are problems in the Balkans, the war takes place either in Bosnia or Macedonia, because of

strategic reasons: Macedonia is small, it has no way out to the sea, it is more and more

isolated from the neighbors, it has a new ethnicity - the Macedonians, who are used to, at

least in the Socialist Republic of Macedonia, rule over the minorities, the Albanians.

Albanians, on the other hand, who have nothing to ask for in Kosova, because of the threats

of Serbia, find themselves in a chaotic situation in Albania, because politics is moving up anddown between Berisha and the Socialists - when people are after money, they are simply not

interested what will happen in Kosova and Western Macedonian, they are only interested to

know whether there will be dollars or not, because in Albania they think that they are under

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the level where nationalism is a motivating factor in politics. Albanians in Western

Macedonia, who objectively are in the best situation compared to the other Albanians, for the

first time in history, have a key role in the solution of the Albanian issue. Before, this role

belonged to the Albanians in Kosova or in Albania. Today, Western Macedonia is important

for Albanians, they know the Macedonian state is weak and at the same time they request therealization of their rights. I believe it is good for them to revindicate their rights without

violent repression, and I also believe that this is very important both for the Albanian and

Macedonian communities to find a common solution and compromise in their mutual

relations.

In regard to Bosnia, it is obvious that Serbia and Croatia have pushed war out from their

territories, but the presupposition of the causes of war is precisely the internal collapse of the

three communities.

This is why I believe that Macedonia, which doesn't have much influence and many friends,

but which has a very important position in southern Balkans, must try to find solutions for alldisputable issues between Albanians and Macedonians, because if this is not attempted, then

the communities will be destroyed and the state will break apart. I still remember the images

of December last in Tetova, when Albanian masses were requesting the opening of the

University and the very well armed Macedonian police. Those were very tense moments and

it was then that I saw that there was no communication between Albanians and Macedonians.

Immediately afterwards, I went back to Shkup to watch the football game between Macedonia

and Cyprus, and there were many symbols of the newly created Macedonian state. The people

from Cyprus wouldn't believe us that something of the kind existed, because since they are

under Greek influence, they believed that Macedonia was Greek. Football games are the place

where the most flagrant expression of nationalism comes on the surface, and what I saw,deeply impressed me. Today in Shkup, you see Macedonians in the state of Macedonia, half

an hour far is Tetova and the Albanian community, while in this game - naturally I couldn't

check it personally - I think that there were no Albanians, even though the team belongs to the

whole state, the whole association. This is also a huge problem. As I see it, there are no

institutions which integrate the two communities: they are either Albanian or Macedonian.

KOHA: This resembles pre-war Bosnia.

GLENNY: Yes, but there is an essential difference, and this is that Serbs and Croats were

very well armed. The Macedonian state is weak and can't defend itself, and Albanians don't

have many weapons either.

KOHA: Nevertheless they'd split.

GLENNY: The problem of separation is grounded on the fact that the secession of Albanians

from Macedonia would strengthen the Albanian state in the Balkans, and this wouldn't be

allowed, first of all, neither by Serbs, Greeks, nor Bulgarians. Second, if Macedonia is

divided, then what will happen with Shkup or Ohr which used to be an Albanian town.

KOHA: Maybe it will become Bulgarian, rather...

GLENNY: Yes, but the Albanians who live in Ohr, do you think they will allow the

Bulgarians to come there under the pretext of saving the most orthodox town of Western

Bulgaria? What will happen with Shkupi which is one of the biggest Albanians towns in the

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world? Will you transfer all these Albanians to Western Macedonia and all Macedonians

from Tetova to Shkup...

KOHA: Maybe a solution as Brussels...

GLENNY: That maybe yes... This is serious problem. People always criticize me, because

they say - yes, he always says there will be war in Macedonia, and that there will be war in

Macedonia very soon. Maybe I do exaggerate, but I do it on purpose, for one good reason: if

nothing is undertaken here, then there will be war, because they are already headed to war -

maybe this could occur in autumn, maybe next year, or maybe two or five years later - but

without a political agreement, there is no way to evade war in the future. This is what I offer,

that the world is not interested about the situation which is extremely hot and which is very

similar to the one in Bosnia, and the world wishes to simply forget. There is a serious

problem in Macedonia, which is being caused by Europe. Even though they know Macedonia

has a problem with Greece, that the Greeks are stopping its recognition, they play it deaf and

give up on it. They simply don't want to talk about it, they claim that there is no war here, andthat maybe there will be no war. They are fearing what occurred in Bosnia. In Sarajevo, two

weeks before war started, all were drinking, having fun and playing together and were

convinced that there would be no war, because "we know how bloody would the war be".

KOHA: Isn't this similar to this here?

GLENNY: Not quite.

KOHA: No, but people are having a good life. As before war in Bosnia, in "Top-Lista

Nadrealista" and "K-15"...

GLENNY: There are no weapons... right now, there are no weapons.

KOHA: Weapons come easy.

GLENNY: True. What will happen in Albanians withdraw from the Parliament and form

their own parliament in Tetova? Then the Macedonian state would defend itself. They

defended themselves from the University with the police, which according to the standards

here is extremely well armed. They proved that they can also kill. Really, one man was killed,

but when it would come to the Parliament, and if hypothetically, the Macedonian police

would disperse it and kill, let's say, five Albanians? How would the Albanian state react inthis occasion? I would say they wouldn't send any Kalashnyikov they produce in Albania, but

I don't doubt its troops will come in, if they are not in already.

KOHA: Tell us one thing. Comparing the experiences of the Former Yugoslavia with what is

happening in Macedonia, you can nevertheless foresee how will the situation develop. What

do you think about the West's evaluation about Macedonia's domestic policy, that it is a oasis

of peace, a wise politics, etc...

GLENNY: No, No... They don't even care about it. Americans in Washington and the

Pentagon, in the State Department are concerned about Macedonia's links with Turkey.Americans consider the Turks the main factor in the area, but also in Iraq, Iran, Central Asia,

the former Soviet Republics, the Aegean. I am very disappointed with Europe. It is very

interesting to me that Americans have almost stopped all actions here, in the key place of the

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southern Balkans, and there is no attention for concrete cases... I know that foreign ministries

in England, France and Germany are worried about what is going on and are trying to do

something. There is also the problem with Greece, that of the veto, and also because there is

something more urgent in Bosnia and that Bosnia is threatening not only with more blood, but

also with inconceivable things, such as the destruction of the NATO, etc. They simply, don'thave people, they have no time to care, to show interest for Macedonia. Big powers have

plans, but they are very unclear, and only if something bigger than Bosnia occurs, then will

they be incited to enter with a larger diplomatic capital, to solve it in their interest. But, they'll

do nothing regarding Macedonia before the eventual war starts.

KOHA: How do you evaluate the situation in Macedonia today?

GLENNY: I believe that everything will depend on it. Honestly, I believe there are two huge

issues in the Balkans when related to the destruction of the Former Yugoslavia: the first one

is the Serbian issue, and the second one is the Albanian. We have been constantly seeing a

terrible attempt to solve the Serbian issue in Yugoslavia. I believe that Croats and Serbs willallow the solution of this problem only if Muslims are not granted a state, or even if they do,

their state will be small, a miniature, in the very core of Bosnia. Nevertheless, the West made

a difference between the Croat and Serb nationalism, and I believe this is wrong. Serbs are

isolated now, and the story that it will become Greater Serbia - and which can be read in

"New York Times" and "Washington Post", that Serbia has won - I believe is wrong. In fact,

not only Muslims, but also Serbs have lost in this war. Because no one wishes to recognize

the "RSK" nor "RS", even though finally there will be a Bosnian Union, or something similar.

But, "RSK" will never be recognized.

KOHA: You mean, internationally?

GLENNY: Yes... then there are the sanctions. They will not be lifted, because the US is not

only considering Serbia to be the main one to blame, but the only one to blame, and this is,

according to me, a big mistake, because I believe that Croatia is also guilty of this war - even

Slovenia. America will not allow the sanctions against Serbia be lifted. And, as long as we

have a traumatized Serbian society, with a huge arsenal of weaponry, we will have an

immanent destabilization of the Balkans space. I believe that all states in the former

Yugoslavia, apart from Slovenia, are para-states.

KOHA: Please explain.

GLENNY: They are missing the basic characteristics of the state. Croatia has not its territory.

In Bosnia, there is a list of para-states: Republic of Herzeg- Bosnia, Abdic's state,

Dudakovic's state, Gorazde, the Republika Srpska, which is not recognized by the

international community neither by Serbia, but which has weapons and is an essential

characteristic of a state, then Macedonia...

Any other state in Europe, including Azerbeijan, is member in more institutions than

Macedonia. Then, Macedonia was not recognized by the UN with the name it chose itself. In

regard to Serbia, which in Yugoslavia is historically the only state, it faces the problem of the

sanctions. FRY is not recognized by the international community, but another Serbia's issue isKosova. If Serbs still believe that they can treat Albanians as they did so far, then they are

really wrong. Another of the Albanian issues is the demographic one. Regardless of whether

Serbs and Macedonians like Albanians or not, the latter will be numerically stronger, if not

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the strongest in the Balkans within 10 or 15 years. They will represent a serious factor. This

means that either Macedonians or Serbs will be forced to seriously talk with Albanians - or

their states will be threatened in this sense.

KOHA: How will you present Macedonia in the newest book you are planning to write?

GLENNY: Macedonia will have a very important place in this book about Balkans

nationalism in the past century - whether it differs from other nationalisms and if it does -

then why? Is this natural for Balkans people... In all of this, Macedonia has maybe the key

role. Since 1978, Macedonia has been a mysterious curiosity of European nationalism.

Precisely in the recent years when the creation of modern people is insisted on. There are also

actual problems which are inter-linked with constitutional issues and have to do with relations

of communities. I can't recall any other example in Europe, which has so many important

issues, apart from maybe Bosnia and Herzegovina, which will also be given quite an

important part in the book.

KOHA: How do you thing the events in Macedonia will develop?

GLENNY: If I say that I don't see good prospects, they'll say: "what is this guy talking

about?.." Anyhow, I will say what I have repeated so often - if war in Bosnia continues, which

is very possible - I am especially concerned about what is happening, because I believe the

three parties have chosen the war option in Bosnia and Croatia - then the economic and

political pressure in the country will be bigger. I believe that Albanians and Macedonians, for

the time being, are in no position to solve the basic matters of coexistence. Thus, the

possibility exists - this is a subjective matter whether it will happen or not - but there is a

possibility to reach an internal consensus.

Then there will be wear which will surpass the borders of the Former Yugoslavia. If there are

serious attempts of Albanian and Macedonian representatives to solve these problems, then I

would be optimistic. Because of what we have seen in the domestic policies of all Yugoslav

republics in the past five years; because the international factor hasn't split - it seeks

solutions... We would be crazy to draw any optimism in regard to Macedonia. Through my

pessimism which, I admit, is politically expressed, I draw the attention of the world that if it,

as so far, ignores the problem of Macedonia, politically and economically, then it will have to

pay even more than it is paying so far politically, diplomatically and militarily in the West,

Russia and Bosnia.

EX-YU

KOSOVA, A ZONE NOT TO BE TOUCHED

Dr. Ranko Petkovic, professor of international affairs and Editor in Chief of "Medjunarodni

Problemi", about the recent in events in Croatia, about Bosnia and their reflection on

Kosova, declares to "KOHA":

WHY DIDN'T SERBIA ENTER THE WAR

The Croat authorities which decided to reintegrate the territories of the "RSK" have counted

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on the fact that "RS" nor Yugoslavia would see themselves involved. "RS", which had

promised assistance to "RSK" didn't do that because it itself lacks people which would defend

the frontline in B&H and because assisting "RSK" militarily, would be considered as an

aggression of a sovereign and independent state. In regard to FRY, with the acceptance of the

Vance-Owen plan and its orientation to not get implicated in the conflict between Knin andZagreb, it announced that it will not get involved militarily, so there would be no expansion

of the conflict nor possibilities to strengthen the sanctions and other forms of pressure against

it.

ON KOSOVA AND THE REFLECTION OF THE SITUATION

When it refers to Kosova, I must say that the danger is limited to B&H and the border

between Yugoslavia and Croatia. If there is any initiation of a conference on the former

Yugoslavia, the first item on the agenda would be to stop the war, then the creation of statal

entities and the mutual recognition of the former Yugoslav republics and at the same time, the

regulation of problems which refer to the rights of ethnic collectives and human rights in theFormer Yugoslavia in general, and especially in places where these problems remain open, as

in Kosova or those parts of Croatia fled by the Serb population.

Comparisons between Kosova and Knin were made within Lord Carrington's plan which

foresaw a high level of autonomy in parts where minorities represent the majority of the

population. This idea was comprised in the Z-4 Plan of the Contact Group, which now fails to

be a possibility after the Croat action. With respect to Kosova, maybe this is the best solution

for it fulfils some of the international standards for the solution of the issues concerning

ethnic communities. It is understandable that the status of these communities is specific and

must be solved within the existing circumstances. In this sense, the parallel between Krajinaand Kosova could have made sense, however, on the other hand, the historical and geo-

political circumstances impose certain differences. Therefore, the ways to stabilize the

situation in Kosova must be sought, respecting both the requests of the Albanian population

and Belgrade's interest".

EX-YU

THE ATTACK OK KOSOVA, MEANS THE END OF SERBIA

Predrag Simic, Director of the Institute for International Politics and Economy, comments

the recent events for "KOHA":

About "STORM"

Croatia really won a big prize getting uninhabited Krajina back, without having to fight for it

long. It is also evaluated in Zagreb that the relations with Muslims will be settled in the way

that the Sarajevo government will be under Zagreb's trusteeship, as the Government in Zagreb

already sees itself to be a regional power in the Balkans.

Krajina's fall and comments on Belgrade's treason

There are many speculations. Right now, about 150 thousand refugees are flowing into FRY.

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40 thousand entered yesterday alone. I believe this will influence the general public and the

general impression is that this has not caused a great surprise for all of those who are

accommodating them in an organized way in different centers. We must await for the events

around the complete ethnic cleansing of Knin. According to UNPROFOR sources, there are

only some hundreds of Serbs remaining there, defended by UN troops. But they are alsoexpecting to be evacuated to FRY.

This means there will be no more Serbs there.

At all. I believe that this is the end of the history of the Serbs in Krajina.

The situation in Slavonia. There are statements that if Eastern Slavonia is attacked,

Belgrade will resist.

I believe that Slavonia will keep the current status of a buffer zone and it is not in the Croat

interest to risk a conflict with FRY, because regardless of the euphoria in Zagreb, militaryexperts there have it clear that the relations are such, that Croatia can't count on the military

superiority opposite to the Yugoslav Army, therefore I don't believe that Zagreb will start an

adventure in Eastern Slavonia and Baranja.

Two initiatives: London and Russia. The perception of Bosnia after Croat attacks and

possible solutions.

Zagreb is trying to calm the fear of the Muslims, who were relieved with the Croat action.

This offensive meant liberation because the elimination of the siege of Bihac changed the

military situation quite a bit. On the other hand, Sarajevo fears of Zagreb's intentions: will theCroat embrace be more difficult than the Serb one. Zagreb doesn't hide its intentions to

establish a trusteeship over Sarajevo and thus reach its ultimate goal: Greater Croatia.

New initiatives in London and Moscow.

It is soon to talk about them, because the Contact Group is dismantling. Americans didn't

invite Russians to Washington, Yeltsin tried to have a solo-game by inviting Milosevic and

Tudjman to Moscow. Peter Tarnoff and Anthony Lake are right now in Europe, allegedly

bringing in new proposals for solutions, therefore it is early to talk about any prognoses.

The political situation in Belgrade and Milosevic's position.

There are no big political reactions so far, all are mobilized and willing to assist the refugees

as best as possible.

Karl Bildt's statement that what happened in Knin can happen in Kosova too.

I believe these are the most idiotic things of the Western propaganda which saw all these

conflicts as black or white, and naively described the situation in the Balkans. No one in

Serbia even thinks of this, because if this happens, it would be the end for Serbia. It is in

Serbia's interest to have Kosova in the present status and open the political process of solvingits problem and what the Westerners declare now about Kosova is foolish and ridiculous.

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The reflection of all on Kosova.

I hope that it will have no reflection, because any reflection would be negative. The violence

the Croat military applied against Serbs in the past ten days shouldn't be repeated against any

people ever.

The perception of the future of this region.

I believe that there will be an increase of tension and I believe that political leaders of all

people in the Balkans must remain cool, because if control is lost over things, as the Contact

Group did, I fear a huge catastrophe.

EX-YU

CLEANSING OF "KRAJINA"

by ZARKO PUHOVSKI / W.R. / Zagreb

The situation is not calm yet, and so many things must be clarified. However, in regard to the

main issue, it is hard to discuss anything. In less than three days, the Croat armed forces

clearly won over the territories formerly occupied by Serbs, in the so called "Krajina". In one

weekend alone, Zagreb managed to achieve by force what the world's diplomacy couldn't in

the past three years - the reintegration of the state of Croatia.

The extraordinarily organized military action was also an excellent example of ethnic

cleansing. The rapidness of the Croat victory came a surprise for many diplomats and

political analysts. However, Serbs in Krajina, at least those of the leadership, were not

surprised by it at all. Since the beginning of the action, they were not only ready to fly to

Belgrade, but also to organize the massive exodus of the population from the self-proclaimed

Serbian state. Really, Knin's propaganda - that Serbs will never be able to live in peace in

Croatia - contributed to their exodus.

The military Croatian strategy was also designed to cause such a population movement -

targeting Knin and other towns will the inevitable treatment of civilians during the actions -

remain issues for future investigations.

At the same time, any Croat manoeuvre, opened the paths to flee. The Croatian army rejected

to totally besiege the towns or Serb positions, even in places where this was possible. The

exits in the region - signalized by the Croatian army and the UN forces - were not only used

by civilians, but also by complete Serb military units of Krajina, completely redeployed in

Bosnia.

The reason for such a mutual "understanding" between Serbs and Croats, is not hard to find.

Such a big possibility for such a huge Croatian attack - much less than their victory - was

based on the certainty that Belgrade will not intervene. Serbian president Slobodan Milosevicgave up on the region of Krajina. However, this is the price to pay for the moderate policy of

Belgrade, which was evident in the proclamation which announced the offensive. In this

statement, President Tudjman, forgot to mention Eastern Slavonia, among the territories

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which the Croat army was planning to liberate. Even more directly, in the last days, official

statements of the Foreign Ministry and that of Defense, stressed that Serb attacks against

Croat towns and villages are minor provocations of units which are under the control of the

Krajina rebels and not Belgrade.

The situation is extremely explosive. However, it seems that it is a consequence of the non-

willingness of Croatia to use the force to reintegrate this region. Apart from the partial

mobilization by both sides and the indirect "greetings" of both sides, the towns of Eastern

Slavonia, Vukovar, Ilok, as well as Baranja, will have the fate of remaining under the

Serb/Yugoslav rule, at least in the times to come. I believe it is too much to say that, since

these parts of the former "Krajina" are directly linked to the Yugoslav territory, the potential

Croatian attack would cause inevitably the intervention of the Yugoslav army (the rough Serb

attack on bordering Osijek proved more than a warning). Thus, while Croatia is gaining

territories along the seacoast which are strategically important, Serbia/Yugoslavia will keep

the richest areas, those with oil reserves.

Serbs in Bosnia failed to intervene in Krajina for obvious reasons. While the Croat leaders

tried to regain territories with as less Serbs as possible in them, the regime of the Bosnian

Serbs leader Karadzic, had the opposite problem: he had more lands (ethnically clean) than

population, and needed to populate them with fresh people, who as refugees, are heading

towards him.

At the same time, the Serbian part of Bosnia is totally paralyzed. The flow of refugees has

blocked the roads, and thus the army or the troops can't move. And then, the internal war

between Karadzic and Mladic has confused Pale totally. This conflict was started by

Milosevic, after his recent letters with peaceful proposals, addressed only to BosnianPresident Izetbegovic and Ratko Mladic, but not Karadzic, as the leader of "civilians".

Anyhow, at a long run, Bosnian Serbs must be capable of preserving their superiority, not

only because of the new population, but also because Milosevic must give them a sign that he

hasn't forgotten Western Serbs.

At the international level, Croatia is now a "regional power". Since the international

community was also willing to support the strongest party during the disintegration of the

former Yugoslavia, today, it is willing to support Croatia. During the manoeuvres preceding

the Croatian offensive, Zagreb stressed the Serb actions in Bihac pocket - thus alluding to the

acknowledgement of geo-political interests of big powers towards a state (Croatia), justifying

its military action outside its borders. However, many other things can be feasible: not onlymilitary aggressions, but also the possibility for the future Croat control of the Bihac pocket.

Naturally, the division of Bosnia represents a precondition for such a development of events,

a thing which unfortunately, is not that impossible - as official statements claim. The hope is

that Croatia's intervention will offer a break to Bosnia's government - or, at least to the

international community. Which, naturally, is wrong.

Regardless of the quick advance of Sarajevo troops against Fikret Abdic's forces, Bihac will

belong to Croat forces. As it was being attempted, Milosevic and Tudjman will split Bosnia:

the path to this was opened by Krajina.

Inside Croatia, the Serbian issue has been resolved, with much aggressiveness. Before the

war, there were over 600 thousand Serbs. Today, there are 100 to 150 thousand. The period of

ethnic-nationalistic euphoria will influence the whole political scene. Meanwhile hundreds of

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thousands of refugees from Croatia and Bosnia will remain a permanent threat to regional

stability, it could be expected that Zagreb could crude its own version of "democracy".

without any doubt, the feeling of victory will lead towards the gradual stability of the political

situation. And, people will be calmed down. However, this will have its effects after the end

of the victorious atmosphere. For the time being, there is still full control over the media andthe platforms of the alternative voices - but, it seems as if there were very few voices to set

under control. Almost with all certainty, it can be said that parliamentarian elections will be

held shortly before this emotional period full of manipulations ends - and this will be in the

next two or three months.

The reply to the military action proves that there is no strategic opposition. All what

opposition parties could do these days, was to greet the president.

It is very doubtful that they will consolidate and offer any kind of resistance to Tudjman and

his HDZ party during elections, which are supposed to take place next spring. On a longer

term, more people will be insisting on real democratization and social equality, while thegovernment will not be able to reply justifying itself with the open front, which can now be

passed by local buses for less than an hour. Nevertheless, this debate will be the content of the

next elections, four years later.

Thus, Croatia will act as a local power and regional cop. This role has never brought luck to

the states which tested it.

And, international postures towards Croatia and Tudjman will be - as Franklin Roosevelt

explained to his client: "He might be a son-of-a-bitch, but he is our dog". In other words,

ethnic cleansing will be completed and the balance of the powers will be reached - with somekind of an end to war. As always, peace will win over justice.

(Zarko Puhovski is professor of political philosophy at the University of Zagreb and vice-

chairman of the Croatian Helsinki Committee in Croatia)

CROATIA

WEEKEND FIGHTING

by STOJAN OBRADOVIC / Split

The Serbian rebellion in Croatia, directed by Belgrade, which started with the well-known

barricade revolution by the end of August 1990, was perceived by the majority as a

indubitable sign that this disintegration will not escape a huge tragic war. Five years later, the

Serbian para-statal creature, which meant a stab in the heart of Croatia, disappeared within

one weekend. The chief of the political department of the Croatian Ministry of Defense,

general Ivan Tolj said that "the so called RSK didn't crumple as a tower of cards, but was

rather removed as a web". In the first statements, the Croat soldiers who had gone through all

battles, this time declared: "It was so easy"! President Tudjman, who besides being father ofthe nation, has now without any doubt become national hero, in his first appearance, as the

action was still going on, said that he had told his careful generals that this will be a much

easier action than they were expecting. According to the Minister of Defense, Gojko Susak,

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the operation should have lasted eight days. Speaking in military terms, hundreds of killed

Croatian soldiers, were a minimal price Croatia paid to free its occupied territories, especially

knowing that it paid the insurrection, the aggression of the former Yugoslav Peoples Army

and the occupation of its territories with circa ten thousand killed civilians and soldiers.

In this action, Croatia engaged circa 100 thousand soldiers. Along the participation of HVOand BH Army units, Susak stressed that in this action he potentially had at his disposal some

250 thousand people. Opposite to this, the army of the Krajina Serbs counted with 40

thousand soldiers. Croat euphoria and enthusiasm now seem understandable. Even the sole

Croatian action has political legitimacy, regardless of the criticism coming from the

international community. After five years, Croatia became almost integral and sovereign on

all its territory. What remains, as the Croat President will say, is petty. Nevertheless, it is

certain that by undoing the Knin knot, Croatia resolved its main problem. Knin was not only a

symbol of aggression and occupation or issue of national dignity - Knin is one of the key geo-

strategic points of Croatia, and without it, Croatia couldn't function normally. The fall of

Knin has been experienced, among others, also as an announcement of the end of the state of

war, which even though never proclaimed, Croatia has been living in the past five years.Now, over one hundred Croat refugees started coming back home.

On the other hand, one day after "Storm", the largest exodus of refugees in this war started.

According to different sources, between 100 and 200 thousand Serbs departed from their

para-state. According to the testimonies of the foreign reporters, they don't know where they

are headed to. Even though President Tudjman, as the attack against Krajina started, called

the Serb population not to abandon their fatherland, he guaranteed them amnesty, protection

and all the rights according to the Constitution and the Constitutional Law which regulates

the rights of minorities, it was clear that it was impossible to convince this population not to

share the fate of the leadership which brought them to this tragic position and ordered totalevacuation. Unfortunately, it was totally clear that after five years of confrontation, the

military option of integration of the Croatian space would mean only the return of the

territories and without any doubt the departure and no comeback of the people. This was

clearly proven by the preliminary action in Western Slavonia. The Vice-President in charge of

humanitarian issues, Ivica Kostovic, claimed that they had expected that at least one third of

the people would stay. Was this the optimal calculation of a future minority wished in

Croatia, so it can evade being accused for ethnic cleansing its territories, is not that important

right now. The fact that the Serbian issue in Croatia is tragic, but it has been solved

definitively, is decisive. From the request for the "independent state", a state within a state,

etc. - as all Serbs, from the crazy extremists in Knin up to the legal parties in Zagreb, were

perceiving the matter and were looking for a solution within Croatia, there are only a fewSerbs remaining in big urban centers, which is the least interested in having a special national

status. From out of 600 thousand Serbs who used to live in Croatia before the war, there are

certainly less than one fourth remaining. Whether the intentions different, that is another issue

and needs a thorough elaboration. However, this issue regards both Zagreb and Belgrade.

Milosevic's regime, is by all means the most responsible for the tragic situation the Serbian

people in Croatia are going through. For a long time it was clear that the so called RSK was a

paper tiger and that this chaotic para-state of misery and terror, didn't represent a special

problem for the professionalised Croatian army. The problem was whether Serbia would be

involved in this war or not. I depended on this whether the international factor, the US before

all, would accept a military option or would still continue insisting on finding a politicalsolution. The American politics which has a crucial role in the region, has several times, or

even with the intervention of Germany, stopped Croatia to solve the problems in Krajina

militarily. By the end of last year, in the times of Bihac crisis, which was again used as

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justification to start the military action, Croatia decided to intervene militarily, and it had

been stopped through international political channels, and the same thing was repeated when

Croatia didn't want to extend UNPROFOR's mandate at the beginning of this year, when

American politicians stressed that an attack against Krajina would cause the intervention of

Serbia and the expansion of war outside the borders of the Former Yugoslavia, which wasclearly said not to be tolerated by the Americans. This time, e very certain sign that Croatia

would start the so many times announced military action was the American political

"evaluation" that Serbia will not intervene, which was evident in the "Spark" action of the

Croat Army in Western Slavonia. This makes many ask what has Milosevic blackmailed the

whole thing with? For the Croatian Serbs the result is the same, but it is not the same for the

final solution of the Former-Yugoslav crisis.

The military victory which eliminated the so called RSK, starting from Western Slavonia,

then by taking Grahovo and Glamoc, which was one of the key preconditions for "Storm",

even though brilliant in the military aspect, nevertheless surprises because of the weak

Serbian resistance. Bosnian Serbs haven't moved when the action in Western Slavonia tookplace, even though they could have helped them, for sure. UN's spokesman in Zagreb,

Christopher Gunnes said that in Glamoc's operations there was any serious Serb military

presence. In the definitive attack against Knin, even though there were also some important

clashes, the Croatian Army entered the majority of the towns, including Knin so easily. As if

the decision not to defend Krajina at all had been taken long ago.

At the beginning of the operation, the last attempt for conversations in Geneva resembled

more listing conditions for the surrender of the Serbian delegation than the attempt for serious

talks. It is interesting that the American ambassador in Croatia, Peter Galbraith, one day

before the conversations in Geneva had been in Belgrade and received Milan Babic's consentfor the peaceful reintegration of Krajina according to Plan Z-4. Regardless of the fact that

Galbraith was in Belgrade, maybe even for the American alibi, while Babic was in favor of

everything which bought him time, it seems that everything regarding Krajina was directed

against its interests. It is not at all logical to believe that Milosevic couldn't strengthen the

Krajina leadership, and if in fact he wished to help, he could have convinced them to accept

seriously the conditions for reintegration according to Plan Z-4, which offered Serbs a strong

autonomy with international guarantees. Naturally, there are also some of those who believe

that Milosevic is so tired with war and sanctions, that he is forced to make many concessions,

first in Croatia and then in Bosnia, only to keep the power. The ones who claim to know him

stress that his only aim is power, even if the condition were Greater of Smaller Serbia.

However, some also fear that the biggest conditions for the rule of Milosevic's type, stillremains to be war. In the analyses these days, after the fall of Knin, the maps of the global

divisions of the former Yugoslavia which are alleged to Milosevic and Tudjman have become

actual again. This means naturally, the division of Bosnia but also implies some mutual

territorial concessions, e.g. Eastern Slavonia, which with its resources also allows the

strategic control of the Danube. One of Tudjman's close collaborators, the special envoy to

the Contact Group, Miomir Zuzulj, declared recently that it is a fantasy to believe that

someone can lead politics according to drawn maps. But he also said that new political

relations and processes can lead towards new maps! In these global speculations, one of the

preconditions for their realization is the massive displacement of population. Karadzic thesis

according to which he was telling Croatian Serbs to come to Bosnia and leave the "Ustashastate" is very well known. There is no doubt that the Serb exodus, which is now seeking the

new existential space, will be used militarily for the continuation of the war in B&H so it can

also become a factor of change. But, now things are concentrating in Bosnia and that is

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where the global Croat-Serb relations will be settled. Muslims, as their leadership is

convinced, believe that this will not be at their cost.

KOSOVA

Milos Nesovic, "Deputy-`Nacelnik' of Kosovo"

"SETTLEMENT IS ONLY TEMPORARY"!

Interviewed by YLBER HYSA / Prishtina

KOHA: Rumors are that a number of Serb refugees will come to Kosova. You are also

chairing the crisis committee created especially for this matter. How are things?

NESOVIC: Committees for the reception of refugees coming from war seized territories are

organized at the level of the Republic of Serbia and give immediate assistance. There are not

only Serbs among the refugees, but also people of other nationalities. This is a civic state, all

have equal rights, and we try to act accordingly.

We have formed the municipal committees on the territory of Kosova, therefore we have 24

of those. Such committees were created on the levels of the "okrugs", that of Morava based in

Gjilan, of Prizren, Peja and Kosova which is the largest.

KOHA: Do you have an operation plan for the reception of refugees?

NESOVIC: So, we have created these committees and the "nacelniks of the okrugs" are

chairing them. We also have a coordinating body at the level of Kosova comprised of all

members from the okrugs and responsible people who can help us to provisionally

accommodate the refugees. We consider that the settlement is provisional. We saw that a

number of refugees was headed towards Nis, Vranje, Leskovac, etc. We had no special

organization of transportation towards Kosova. As far as we know, the main crisis committee

for the reception of refugees matches them with their relatives, or takes them to places where

they will settle provisionally. We know how difficult the situation is for them, especially for

those who belong to the peasants strata, who have lost all their assets and wealth created by

generations, and this differs them from the urban population who can't take along much...

KOHA: Have you any data on their social structure and will you take this into consideration

when you decide about their accommodation?

NESOVIC: This will be included in our plan and we will surely take that data while they are

registered. We have thought of accommodating them here and we have thought of hotel

capacities which are not in function, a resort, a students dormitory and will try to do that

without any larger investment. We have great support from the citizens, and we expect them

to host some of the refugees, especially the village households, and we expect all citizens,

regardless of their nationality, to be involved in this... We don't know how many peoplewould come. This will depend on their expressed will. But, if all capacities are filled, then

they will be rerouted, which is normal, for if we have space, why shouldn't we receive them.

This is the ultimate obligation of the state, to provide them with a normal life.

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KOHA: Recently some locations for refugees were built. Will refugees be settled here?

Albanians are fearing that this can be directed towards the change of the ethnic composition

and increase tensions?

NESOVIC: According to my opinion, I hope that the international community will dosomething to take back these people to their homes, for I expect this to be a provisional

settlement. Then, I don't see why should this increase tensions if they come? Why should that

bother anyone? No one will be upset about their arrival. I don't believe that this would change

the ethnic structure and as far as I know there is no law on colonization. I don't know that any

refugees will settle in these buildings for colonization, I count on the fact that they will be

accommodated in some buildings in Brezovica, Istog, etc. We count on taking over these

buildings without upsetting the tourist enterprises, were want to use buildings which are not

being used. We also count on some students dormitories... We must be human and

understand... The least are coming to Kosova, maybe because they are afraid...

KOHA: The refugees to be settled in Mitrovica, would they get jobs in "Trepa", forexample?

NESOVIC: I just said that we don't know how long will these people stay here. If they'll go

back soon, then there is no need to think in this direction. However, the international

community will seemingly react much to slowly, therefore, why shouldn't they be employed.

It would be a relief of the burden for all of us, and the state itself, if they can profit.

MACEDONIA

THE SUMMER SCHEME ... AND MANY DILEMMAS

by ISO RUSI / Shkup

The political circumstances in Macedonia match: the summer heat is "eased" with rain, the

government, even though it is summer and the vacations are still on, takes "big decisions".

At first sight, what is happening in political scene in Macedonia can be reduced to the term:

"summer scheme". Formally, "politicians on duty", the government and the President of the

Republic, don't take the traditional summer vacations, which become obvious from the daily

protocol news on who received who, as well as statements from press conferences of thegovernment sessions. At first sight, there is summer conformability, that is why events, such

as is Matthew Nimitz's visit, despite the announcements that the solution to the Macedonian-

Greek contest is in the horizon, didn't cause any medial pomposity or a special reaction of the

public. On the other hand, Crvenkovski's government chose the culmination of the summer

season to make public its "program" to fight (organized) criminality.

Some 15 high officials of the Macedonian government lost their jobs in an action the media

first called "project", and then "broom" or "purge". Many things in the executive power and

administration in Macedonia have been very foggy since long ago. Even "birds on trees"

would talk of the crimes, bribery and corruption and the "nouveau rich", the disrespect of thesanctions against "FRY" and about almost the only way to gain money in Macedonia... Not to

speak of ordinary things, as is tax and customs fees evasion. Less than a year ago, a high

ranked official came out in public stating that organized crime in Macedonia increased and

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that even people of the government were involved there, including some ministers. His

ministry, but also the media under the government control, spent a lot of time, space and

energy to convince the public that his statements were only a result of his anger because of

the lost position. The pompous announcement of the Government's "project" to settle all

problems in regard to the disrespect of the laws, before all with those who steal from the stateand the cores of the organized crime contains many elements of what is being whispered

among the people for a long time, or of what the former policeman had confirmed too early.

In the middle of the summer vacations, which Macedonia's citizens are enjoying in Turkey

and not in Ohr, the government, strongly applying the market law, expelled those who were

selling everything at the markets from there. The protests of these people in front of

municipal and republican parliaments had no success. This was the first point in favor of the

government in its war against the "grey" economy. The change of some sub-secretaries in

some ministries, some chiefs of different sectors in government's administration, should have

confirmed the decision of the government to definitely, create order, above all, in state

finances. And it is precisely in the start that a mistake was committed in this action called"project", "broom", "purge" - as you wish.

The justification for the replacement of the high-ranked government officials is reduced to:

"unsatisfactory performance". In times when everyone speaks of the involvement of different

ministers in corruption, the bill was paid by those "who were less guilty". It seems that the

undersecretaries who left, deserved their dismissal otherwise, however, were excellently used

by the government to "sell fog" to the dissatisfied population. The action of the government

which is trying to keep up the medial pompousness, reminds a lot of Tito's speeches or the

letters he used to send to the "working avantgarde" about "the bandits in our rows".

The government and the ruling party were very satisfied after the first step. The prime-minister even, for the first time in the last couple of years, gave ten days of leave to his

ministers, which coincided also with the National Day, the Ilinden, which again, is another

story. Ilinden from 1903 and that of 1994, foundations of the Macedonian wish for statehood,

strangely enough passed silently. The President of the Republic visited a village in Western

Macedonia (that of Macedonians of Muslim confession). In Krusevo, the traditional

celebration of the Republic of Krusevo, the President of the Parliament delivered a speech in

the legendary "Meckin Kamen" stating that "Ilinden is the day in which each Macedonian,

anywhere he is, should be the biggest in the world", remarking that "however big he is, he

must pray there"! In times when protocol news were published, that cabinet members (?!) of

the President and Primer-minister visited the monuments erected for the ones who fought for

the statehood of Macedonia.

To have the irony even bigger, Shkup's streets were not decorated with national flags, as in

any National Day. And all these events suscitate new rumors and comments in media which

conclude that the actual Macedonian government is really after forgetting the "old" history

and promote the "new" one according to the "everything started with us" principle. How

much truth is there in all of this, remains to be seen on September 8, the referendum day.

Another polemic between the Liberals and Socialists in the pages of "Nova Makedonija", is

another proof of the fractures inside the coalition. In the monthly supplement "Liberal", there

was a comment on the last congress of the Socialist Party. The congress was attended also by

representatives of leftist parties of the Balkans, including SPS, JUL and the Bulgariansocialists. A round table was also organized, and it in fact meant that this was a continuation

of a round table previously organized in Belgrade. This was a reason enough for the liberals

to accuse the socialists that they are "courting" actual governments in Serbia and Bulgaria.

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The Socialists responded, again in "Nova Makedonija", among others reminding the Liberals

that it was precisely their chairman, Andov, the Speaker of the Parliament who received the

SPS delegation while in Shkup! And the reply was also a motive for the socialists to question

the status of the liberals in the coalition - who are acting at times as part, and at times as its

opposition.

In an interview to the new weekly "Fokus", Adburrahman Aliti, Chairman of PPD declared:

"I stand disdain, because I must!" In the interview, which is a bit thematic, because it is

largely linked to the "para-military affair" or rather the sentence of the "Albanian paramilitary

in Macedonia", Aliti stresses that there was no case, really, and that the activities for self-

defence in the times of the former YPA were known to the Minister of Foreign Affairs, and

that the whole affair had been framed by the police and that the trials shouldn't have taken

place: "The purpose of the government was to present Albanians as an unreliable factor,

which can destabilize the situation and in that regard, they created a spare dossier - that there

was an existing core, they did what they had to, they got the final image, that you see,

Albanians are preparing something". We would mention another statement of Aliti: "If wehad more strength, would we stand such despise in education, information and other areas?

We would not. But, I do, because I must". The fact that all actors of the "paramilitary affair"

are free, is a simple political gesture, is the best proof that its continuation is the result of a

political decision.

It is clear that the summer in Macedonia runs according to the first schemes (meteorological

and political) - it is at times "hot" at times "cold". But in both cases (better to use the term

applied by the government), it is transparent.

KOSOVA

THE FRUITS OF "STORM"

by YLBER HYSA / Prishtina

The Croatian "Storm", apart from being a blitzkrieg which brought one of the quickest

victories, and which united over 10 squared kilometers (almost as one Kosova) in Croatia,

expelled almost all the population of what was known as "Krajina". Between 200 and 250

thousand people seem to have been expelled and headed towards the Serbian held territoriesin Bosnia, and a large part of them is also crossing the Drina. This is for sure one of the

largest exoduses which could have happened in the Balkans, and this will, probably, affect

Serbia quite a lot, which through the initiatives of the Commissariat for Refugees and special

programs, is trying to find space for a sea of people. By all means a large number of Krajina

people will settle in Bosnia, even more knowing that Bosnian Serbs have occupied so much

territory and have conducted ethnic cleansing, that they are missing people to populate the

areas. But, it seems that a considerable number of those wish to find a safe haven in Serbia,

far away from the battlefield.

In fact, the Krajina refugees, who have lost all they had and have no shelter, have not much tochoose, but rather others will choose for them. One of the chosen will be Kosova, and this has

been announced in Serbian media, even mentioning a concrete figure of 20 thousand people.

At the "Kosovo Red Cross", the one controlled by Serbs, its President Moracic tells us that a

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number of them will, by all means, come to Kosova and that preparations for their

accommodation are being made. We have collected assistance for them and Serb citizens and

enterprises from Kosova are approaching us and offering their assistance for the Krajina

refugees, and we hope that also the Albanians as well as "Mother Theresa" will assist us since

"this is a human tragedy and assistance". Moracic, and the Secretary of this organization,Ruzica Simic explained to "KOHA" that their organization is not in charge of the distribution

of the refugees, but that there is a Crisis Committee created for this purpose at the level of

Kosova, and which is chaired by the "deputy-nacelnik" Milos Nesovic, who is being assisted

by the government administration. Taking over this task, which apart from the understandable

element of involvement in registering and assisting the refugees, also proves that the

distribution of these refugees was placed directly under the umbrella of the Serbian

government. This activity, is by all means, liked to the activities of the Serbian Commissariat

for refugees, which is directly involved in the refugee crisis. However, in Buba Morina's

organization, they told us that it was very hard to locate her, for these days she is engaged in

the field, therefore we can't get an answer or a confirmation about this issue. UNHCR in

Prishtina is on leave, while the response from the officials of the Belgrade Office didn'tarrive.

In fact, the refugee crisis coincided with the time in which the colonist settlements were being

finalized, among others in Vushtrri. Even more, the Serbian organs adopted the law for the

colonization of Kosova with some 100 thousand Serbs, and while the population of Kosova

with Serbs seemed quite incredible then (having in mind the political and economic

situation), now the appearance of the Serb refugees from Krajina doesn't make this

impossible. This is because they have nowhere to go, they can't choose, for they have lost all

they had. Thus, in fact, the misfortune of these people after the last war, in the eyes of many

an agreement between the Croat and Serb leaders, makes these refugees object of a doublegame. They were "cleansed" from their former territory which didn't acknowledge Croatia's

sovereignty, and now are brought in a territory in which according to Serbia's state plans

should also be "cleansed" of 90% dominating Albanians from a territory which also doesn't

acknowledge the sovereignty of this state!

But, where and how can this mass of people be settled in Kosova, and what can the

consequences be? It is well known that Kosova has the highest density of the population and

a compactness with the Albanian ethnic element. Kosova is also blocked economically,

especially due to the Serb compulsory measures after the suspension of autonomy. This is by

all means an obstacle for any settlement of Serb colonists, however, refugees with nowhere to

go, can't choose. It also should be born in mind that these people are quite traumatized andthat many of them lack autonomous possibilities to build their future. This can mean the

colonization of Kosova and the attempt to change the ethnic structure, with an element which

can absolutely be used by the Serbian government. If the first contingent of 20 thousand

people is to arrive, then this would imply, in case its needed, at least some 10 thousand new

policemen and military. People who have gone through hell, will be here with their families,

therefore "protection" from another possible ethnic conflict, to them would be a (calculated)

automatism! In fact, some analyses which comprise all hotels, resorts, dormitories, private

homes, etc. (and schools are not excluded, as confirmed by Moracic) evaluate that between 15

and 20 thousand beds can be available!

Despite the explanations of some Serb officials that this is only a "temporary settlement", as if

this reminds the Kosovans of a negative collective memory, the "syndrome of the Muhaxhers

(refugees)" from Toplica and Kurshumlia - when they were expelled once and they never

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went back... And once mentioning coincidences, some time ago appeared the draft citizenship

bill, whose discriminating peculiarities have made it object of discussion in many human

rights organizations. It also foresees the loss of citizenship for all Albanian asylum seekers

abroad (350 thousand?), as this was announced also by interior minister, a Kosovan Serb,

Jokanovic. This is another element that strengthens what is called "elegant ethnic cleansing"in Kosova. However, coincidences and parallelism, with all their risk, can also be seen in

Bildt's statement that by accepting the "fait accompli" which occurred with the expulsion of

Serbs from Croatia, a dangerous precedent can be established, and could serve Milosevic to

do the same thing in Kosova. To divide it and ethnically cleanse it!?

For the time being, it only looks like a dangerous threat, but the presence of Serb refugees in

Kosova seems to be imminent, with all the consequences it brings.

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APPENDIX

J A V O R E / Albanian weekly

P.O. BOX 202

38000 PRISHTINA

Issued by the KOHA Editorial Board

English Edition: KOHA

Contact Person: Filloreta Bytyqi

Phone & Fax: +381 38 31 031

+381 38 31 036

Modem: +381 38 31 276

E-Mail: koha_pr@zana-pr.ztn.zer.de