Koha Digest 73 (1995)

8/14/2019 Koha Digest 73 (1995)

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The weekly Koha (The T imes) was published in Prishtina (Kosovo) between 1994 and 1997. E dited by VetonSurroi, a young Kosovar journalist and one of the pioneers of democratisation in former Y ugoslavia, Koha

soon became a symbol of quality among the region's media. In 1997 it started to be published daily under the

name of Koha Ditorë. With the kind permission of Mr. Surroi, Koha digests were originally posted on

http://koha.estudiosbalcanicos.org.

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Koha Digest # 73

EDITORIAL

THE TRAIN OF THE RELIGIOUS CALENDAR

by VETON SURROI

Both say they used to work in a bank and that several years ago they were declared, as many

others in Jagodina, technological overplus. They sit on top of a bag full of Korean false

training suits, silk blouses "which one can quite fine wear with pants or skirts", ten new

"chic" hair-ribbons, and two packs of "Pamper's" baby diapers. This is what they have

declared to the customs officer when crossing the Hungarian-Serb (Hungarian-Vojvodinian?)

border. Who knows what else remained undeclared in the bags they were sitting on, in the lastwagon attached to the wagon-lite of "Balkan Express", the filthy train circulating with the

same intensity from Munich to Istanbul, as in times when the Turkish gastarbeiters carried the

first black&white TV sets.

"My husband was also sacked, and there is nothing else for me but cross the border as many

times as possible and bring in goods", says one of them. Once the border is crossed, the

number of those claiming that they had gone from Serbia to Hungary to buy things, to

smuggle them in and hence sustain their families, increases. The train to Budapest suddenly

becomes the train of purchasing social peace. And his ordinary soldiers are conscious of this:

"We will show that guy, Milosevic. As soon as we catch him", a furious female voice isheard.

Why is it? Because "no one may beat the people", "we can't work, but we sure can fight", "all

Serbs should live in one state", "we don't fear anyone, NATO nor the world", "Serbia will

have a 10 thousand dollars income per inhabitant", "Ksova is the heart of Serbia", "Krajina is

the heart of Serbia", "Bosnian Serbs are the Heart of Serbia", "200 thousand refugees from

Krajina arrived to the heart of Serbia and if fighting around Banja Luka continues, the number

could be much bigger"... Because of all the words said so far by the leaders and which,

weighed on the crossing the border balance, weigh less than the goods bought in Budapest's

market.

The two ladies rest in the silence of the coupe. There are no more customs officers and only

the arrival of a policeman who would ask "have you bought anything for a two years old

child", could be expected to thus collect the tax on the spot. They know where they will take

the goods. Market days from Sumadija up to the Serbian side of Morava are marked in the

religious calendar. They will see what God has foreseen for them, in what village will they be

next week. As for the people they belong to, the religious calendar is almost the only secure

thing that can foresee the next and all the other coming weeks.

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KOSOVA

STILL OPTIMISTIC

by BATON HAXHIU / Prishtina

Autonomy, a magic word constantly repeated in ordinary talks in Kosova these days. Where

does this solution, which was never part of the options of the Kosovan political parties, come

from? Albanians, enthusiastic about the many visits of outstanding diplomats and ordinary

people who visited Kosova several years in a row, forgot that the problem of Kosova must be

their own burden. The conviction was that everything was placed in the hands of the foreign

diplomats. Finally seeing that the attitude towards this problem was getting other dimensions

than the ones imagined, the diplomatic circles started framing Kosova and its problem within

the internal plan of the future Yugoslav state. For a long time, these statements were not paid

any attention to in Kosova, and optimistic statements would be revealed without any political

concept or pragmatism.

The first break happened at the London Conference and after Carrington's Plan. Even though

that plan seemed to be much more favorable than any others presented so far, because it was

limited with Knin's precedent which has now been destroyed. A stiff atmosphere was created

afterwards, and the whole national plan was restricted to individuals and the expectations that

everything would be solved according to the promises that derived from the optimistic

statements. The sentences "our peaceful policy is supported" was since then interpreted by

some political circles as a support for the independence of Kosova. The political rhetoric

"everything will be fine", as well as the "whatever God has foreseen" philosophy, dominated.

Not even the statements at the American Congress didn't upset the Albanians and their political structure, even in cases when it was nakedly said that "The International Community

is largely opposing independent Kosova. The majority of the states are concerned that the

secession of Kosova from Serbia can not be applied pacifically...".

Even though they knew, because they had heard it so many times, people started believing in

the three theories which had circulated in the branches and sub-branches of the parties in

Kosova, that "Kosova had the absolute support of the West"; "The solution to Kosova's

problem is closed in Ibrahim Rugova's envelope (!)" and "All intellectual heads of Kosova are

gathered around the LDK and Ibrahim Rugova".

A diplomat, speaking of these three theses, explained the phenomenon in this way: it is truethat Kosova and Rugova have the support of the West, but only for the peaceful policy;

claiming that Rugova holds the solution to Kosova's problem in his pocket is also true, but

that solution is autonomy - as far as it concerns the foreign diplomatic and political circles. In

regard to the third thesis, I can't say whether the best intellectuals are gathered around him,

but I have spoken to other intellectuals outside his circle, and I ascertain that they have a

higher intellectual and diplomatic level than the ones I have met at Mr. Rugova's (sic).

The second break occurred when many intellectuals who visited Kosova later, found

themselves with three or more options, which according to them, was more a result of the

static application of the international terminology and nit a result of a real political and

diplomatic analysis. Having in mind these difficulties, the Albanian side presented "softened"requests about the political status of Kosova, e.g. "Kosova, independent and neutral state

under international civil trusteeship". All these titles would be envied by any state which has

sovereignty and independence, they would say. For arguments sake, we will quote statements

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delivered at the American Congress, which usually served as grounds for our politics. In

regard to the trusteeship, the statement was the following: "We have large reserves towards

the practicality of such option. Serbia's consent would be necessary for any application of this

idea. This, can't be imposed. The US government will continue raising Kosova's issue and the

need for the restoration of the autonomy".

And, for this reason, one could hear foreign diplomats visiting Kosova ask: "if great powers

would recognize Kosova's independence, then could Kosova manage to safeguard it without

war?". And then further on, an ascertainment: "But, if the great powers would consider that

recognizing sovereign Kosova would mean expanding war, which would signify its

conversion into a Balkans war, then the priority would be not to recognize Kosova as an

independent state, regardless of whether it deserves is or not".

Diplomats would add, "there is no war here". There were even cases in which high ranked

officials would ask our officials: "We listened to your problems and requests, but tell us, how

can we help your independence?"

All of these ended with the dilemma whether we were capable of elaborating a national policy

to accomplish what was promised to the people in Kosova during the 1992 free elections.

Once again it should be reminded that the promises were the constitution of state institutions

and a serious organization of our policy and institutions.

And now, there is more talk than ever that we have created fictitious institutions just to forget

the problem asphyxiating us all over.

The third break came with the elaboration of the Vance-Owen Plan which forgot Kosova,treating it determinately as a territory in which the sovereignty of Serbia ought to be

established. Everyone was awaiting for the issue of Krajina to be solved, and it would have

set a precedent for Kosova. And so, some isolated voices were heard, e.g. Azem Vllasi's,

saying "the establishment autonomy is possible, as a provisional phase towards statehood".

This statement was criticized also because, apart from the optimistic verbal statements of

some politicians, nothing new was happening in Kosova.

The fourth break came with Sali Berisha's visit to the USA. Many finally got it clear, that

whatever was said so far, is nil. Sali Berisha declared, not hesitating at all: "There were

promises about the reinstallment of the democratic space in Kosova". This was the message

and agreement of the Albanian President. Full stop!

Immediately afterwards, LDK's vice-chairman Hydajet Hyseni comes out and in the name of

the people declares: "Rugova will sign for the Republic and never for an Autonomy", while

the other vice-chairman, Fehmi Agani, declares to VOA: "America's Plan to recognize the

Serbian statal entity in Bosnia with possibilities for confederacy links with Serbia opens paths

for Kosova and similar solutions". What should we do, and who should we listen to? This

ascertainment only proves the fact that our whole policy is based on expectations and

profiting on the results of the conflict between the other parts in conflict. But doesn't this

ascertainment have a counter-argument?

What if Bosnian Serbs don't accept these confederacy links?

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Finally, all these parallels end with Holbrooke's and Bidlt's plan, who didn't include Kosova

in the global solution, at all. In continuation to all of this, the list of accounts in completed

with Kinkel's statement about the redefinition of the former Yugoslav space, that "Serbia is

requested to have a just posture towards the minorities, especially in Kosova". This

ascertainment is followed with a statement of Senator Dole, referring to American assistancefor Kosova and the Former Yugoslavia, when he said: "The Clinton Administration Plan

doesn't include Kosova's issue. This is wrong".

The same day, President Rugova declared: "I am optimistic, more than ever"!

MACEDONIA

ALBANIANS AS AN EQUAL COMMUNITY TO THE MACEDONIANS

PPDSH, a party seated in Tetova presented its draft-project,

elaborated by the professional team for the revision of the

Constitution of Macedonia and its adoption according to the political

and historic reality of the people which live in this Republic. The

professional team of this party, in cooperation with the Independent

Jurists' Association of Kosova presented it's draft Law on Official

Use of Languages and Scripts in the Republic of Macedonia, as well

as a text referring to Amendments I-VII to the Constitution of the

Republic of Macedonia. This project was presented by PPDSH as a

request of Albanians within the framework of the ICFY, which will probably also discuss the problems in FYROM. According to this

project, Albanians ought to be constituents of this Republic and,

according to the team, this request is grounded on the principled,

historic and actual argument...

I. INTRODUCTORY REMARKS

Starting from the fact that this is a historical time, in which states

disintegrate and new states are created, when elementary rights are

gained and lost, when relations of equality, domination or

subordination are determined, and when the new system of values isindubitably defined, we believe that the deductive method should be

applied in these conversations, the definition of the premises which

will subsequently determine the conclusion.

The use of the inductive method, in this historic period, will be

productive, it will create confusion, it will allow the elimination of an

indefinite list of consequences, but the cause will not be touched, but

it will constantly remain the generator of crisis.

States are usually established in war, in which the winner imposes itswill for political, national, economic, cultural, etc. domination, with

the elaboration of a constitution which guarantees this, with an

agreement between the groups of interest and a trusteeship when

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plausible standards for both the internal and external factors are

imposed from outside.

ICFY offers the possibility to solve old conflicts and actual interests,

internal and external, through an agreement, by respecting thestandards which imply the idea to respect the individual and collective

rights, to eliminate the possibilities of systematic domination of a

humans over humans, a community over a community.

After the destruction of the agreement which created the former

SFRY, the phenomenon of the domination of a group which is defined

as a people, religion or culture, over another group declared an

antipode which should be destroyed, appeared.

The elimination is done by war, ethnic cleansing, the delegalization

which creates the phenomenon of marginalization up to the creationof the system of apartheid as the one existing in Kosova.

ICFY should prevent the creation of societal formations which install

the will of domination of one community over the other, and impose

the standardization which guarantees equality, competition and

diversity of values.

II. MACEDONIA

Despite how much the Macedonian-Albanian negotiations with themediation of the ICFY are described with the actual political

dimension, and that of security, nevertheless the scientific and historic

dimension can't be neglected, for the sake of a long term solution.

Before an issue turns into a juridical one, it is a historical issue,

which contains that decisive intention, converted into strong national

and cultural conscience, i.e. the will to be different.

In Macedonia, which is today defined as FYROM, two large national

ethnic communities live one aside the other, as they have been doing

for hundreds of years, of special characteristics which eliminate any

chances for assimilation: the Albanian, autochthonous, descendant of Illyrians, and the Slavic, identified with the Macedonian name.

Both communities have their national and political history, cultural

and religious heritage, similar aspirations to belong to a national trunk

or to create a new trunk.

There have never been larger conflict between these two communities,

but in cases when the Slavic interest and its civil code was intended

to be applied in these areas.

In situations of external crises, starting from the Turk invasion, the

mythic Battle of Kosova and up to World War II, the Slavic

Community, Serb or Macedonian, sent signals for a joint war and in

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the name of common interests and coexistence.

Albanians almost regularly supported this call, since the Battle of

Kosova and up to the Republic of Krusevo and the anti-Fascist war.

The Kosovan-Macedonian Brigade fought in Macedonia, as well asmany partisan units from Albania which liberated the towns in

Macedonia, Kosova and Sandzak holding the Albanian flag. The

disputes between the Slavic community, Serbs and Macedonians, and

Albanians occurred when the fruits of the joint victory had to be split.

Albanians, mainly because they lacked a protector, a strong ally,

despite the ethnic, geographic compactness, economic and cultural

autonomy, etc., didn't achieve their historical aspirations, but were

forced, be it by force or attractive offers, to coexist with the Slavs.

At the beginning, when the offers and agreements were still fresh,

Albanians had principled rights, which they lost gradually. With the1946 Constitution, they were defined as a people, in 1974 as a

"nationality", meanwhile the 1989 amendments defined them as a

"minority".

In the 1974 Constitution of the SR of Macedonia, in the preamk|d,

Macedonia was defined as a national state of the Macedonian people

and the Albanian nationality, while the "democratic" Constitution of

November 17, 1991, ending this reductionist tendency, defines

Macedonia as a national state of Macedonians guaranteeing civil rights

to Albanians, as in any other part of the world.

This was done in the name of the historic, cultural and spiritual

heritage of the Macedonian people and thus oppress through

repression the parallel heritage of the Albanian people.

Article 7 of this Constitution declares the Macedonian language and

the cyrillic alphabet as official and hence creates concrete obstacles

for the development of the specifics of the Albanians.

Articles 177, 178, 179, 180, 181, 182, 183 of the Constitution of the

Republic of Macedonia adopted in 1974, had directly and broadly

regulated the equal rights of Albanians in the area of language, proportional representation in the executive and legislative powers,

education, the use of national symbols, etc.

The 1991 Constitution not only doesn't respect the rights inherited

from the previous system, but contains no airs of democratic values

which should affirm the right to cultivate the diversities, plural

interests, in the political, national, economic, cultural, religious

spheres, which automatically means decentralization.

Thus, always considering that this is a historical moment, times of principles and not procedures, time of historical agreements,

irrepeatable chances to reach historical interests, times of

standardization, we believe that without changing the Constitution of

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Macedonia, the concept of a societal formation which allows the

domination of a collectivity over another, there can't be long-term

harmonizations of interests between Macedonians and Albanians.

III. WHAT SHOULD THE DEMOCRATIC CONSTITUTION OF MACEDONIACONTAIN

Albanians should by all means be treated as an equal community to

the Macedonian one. With the ruin of the Former Yugoslavia, all

people automatically gain the right to self-determination which was

finally realized in the referendums declared and celebrated throughout

Yugoslavia, including Macedonia. This will can't be oppressed by

force.

Albanians in the former Yugoslavia live in compact ethnic and

geographic territories bounded with the fatherland and which weredivided unjustly in 1913, at the London Ambassadors Conference.

They, because they make the majority and are an autochthonous

people, with their own history, culture and ethnic specifics, they

can't, in any way be treated as a minority, but only as a divided

people.

In Macedonia, they should gain the status of a constituent people, not

to create a counter-position to the repression of the Macedonian

establishment, but because they, starting from the Republic of

Krusevo, have always been treated as a constituent.

Only the re-recognition of this status can be the grounds for a new

referendum which would annul the request grounded on the

Referendum for territorial-political autonomy of Albanians in

Macedonia.

The request to have Albanians as bearers of the sovereignty in

Macedonia has the following grounds:

principled, because of their right over their ethnic lands they have

lived in since the earliest periods, where they have created their ethnicity, national identity and where they actually live;

historical, because they won this right in 1903 with the proclamation

of the Republic of Krusevo, then in 1944 (ASNOM) and finally the

1974 Constitution of the SR of Macedonia; and

actual, because of the democratic processes which are developed in

Europe and which reaffirm the acts of international law and the right

to self-determination of the people, the Final Helsinki Act (1975), the

Paris Charter for a new Europe (1990).

On these historical scientific grounds which ascertain the objective

existence of the ethnic, cultural diversity, the decisive will to cultivate

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it as well as the global tendency to standardize these spaces within the

framework of the western values, an agreement on the elimination of

the antagonisms of the main ethnic communities in Macedonia can be

reached. An agreement which takes into consideration these realities,

internal and external tendencies must be the first step, the second stepis the elaboration of the new Constitution which will contain the

premises of the agreement, and the third step is the loyalty towards

the common state, the new formation with the internal and external

legitimacy which will be given to it by the ICFY.

The methodology applied so far, the imposition of a Constitution, a

concept which doesn't respect the internal reality, the external one,

the inherited rights, then the request for loyalty from a large part of

the population, deeply dissatisfied with its status and finally, the

offers for dialogue, agreement within the institutions of the system

which in essence prevent what in reality has generated the crisiswhich will be deformed even more.

Macedonia will be a stable state if in this time of historical

opportunity it develops on the grounds of the agreement between the

largest ethnic communities, which commonly would guarantee the

rights of the others who coexist with them.

Therefore, without facing the basic, principled issues, we will be

forced to act in the dimension of the consequences which would

increase more and more because:

- Albanians will not agree with the status and there will be more

efforts to improve the situation; and

- the Macedonian establishment which installed an unnatural relation

between two communities will try to stop these attempts repressively

and thus the inter-ethnic relations will deteriorate, the system will be

deformed and Macedonia will turn into a permanent focus of crisis,

of non-productive confrontation, of violations of human rights, of

violations of European values and standards.

The only way out, regardless of the conjunctural and political

relations, is the respect of the Albanian interest in the system, not

threatening in any way the Macedonian interest.

Further, we present concrete proposals for the change of the

Constitution which was adopted despite the unison opposition of the

Albanian MPs.

The amendments which are offered contain also the responsibility for

the Albanian interest, and also the Macedonian, as well as the peacein the region, eliminating, always respecting the international

standards, the factors of crisis and the inter-ethnic tensions.

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THE LAW ON THE OFFICIAL USE OF LANGUAGES AND SCRIPTS IN THE

REPUBLIC OF MACEDONIA

Basic provisions

Article 1

The Macedonian and Albanian languages and scripts are in official

and equal use in the Republic of Macedonia. The equality of use of

the languages and scripts pursuant this Law implies the official

communication in one or the other language and their respective

scripts.

Article 2

The official use of languages and scripts pursuant this Law implies theuse of languages and scripts in the labor and communication of the

organs of government of the Republic, the regions, towns and

municipalities, organizations, enterprises and institutions which offer

public services to the citizens of the Republic.

THE PRACTICAL APPLICATION OF THE EQUALITY OF LANGUAGES AND

SCRIPTS

Article 3

The equality of the official use of the Macedonian and Albanian

languages and scripts is applied and accomplished in practice:

- in verbal and written communications of the organs, organizations,

enterprises and institutions among themselves and the citizens;

- in the procedures of defense and realization of the rights, interests,

tasks and responsibilities of citizens and juridical persons;

- in the register of the evidences of the organs and other subjects;

- by issuing personal documents and other public documents to

workers and citizens;

- by writing the names, toponyms, firms, seals, inscriptions, names

of streets, squares, traffic signs, public advertisements, etc.

Article 4

The forms of public documents and those of the evidence must be

printed in the Macedonian and Albanian languages and scripts, whilethe citizens are issued documents in one of those languages, according

to the national appertaining of the citizen, i.e. upon his/her request.

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The texts of the laws and other acts of the governmental organs of the

Republic and other levels which are published in the "Official Gazette

of the Republic of Macedonia", are published in the Macedonian and

Albanian languages and scripts.

Article 6

The equality in the use of Macedonian and Albanian languages and

scripts is applicable in the army, in the communications with

diplomatic and consular offices of Macedonia.

Article 7

Organs, organizations and other subjects in Article 2 and 6 of this

law, are obliged to hold the name, seal-stamps and inscriptions in the

Macedonian and Albanian language and write them in both scripts.

Article 8

The Macedonian and Albanian languages and scripts are equal in

judicial, administrative and any other procedures conducted before the

governmental organs, organizations and other subjects at all decision-

making levels.

In procedures in which parties of different national appertaining take

place, the procedure is conducted in the official language of themajority of the parties, meanwhile the other party is enabled to

communicate in his/her language through interpreters, and the

decisions/verdicts are sent to them in their language.

Parties in procedure have the right to present the organs requests,

pledges, appeals and acts in their own language. The statements of the

parties, witnesses, experts and the other participants in the procedure

are given in one of the official languages determined by this law. If

the person participating in the procedure doesn't speak any of the

official languages, his/her statement will be translated into the

language in which the procedure is developed.

The costs of the translation will be covered by the organ conducting

the procedure.

MEANS FOR THE APPLICATION OF THE LAW

Article 9

The material and financial means for the application of this law are

assured by the respective organs and these costs will be covered bythe state budget.

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SANCTIONS

Article 10

Organs, organizations, enterprises and other subjects as well as their responsible persons will be fined as follows for the violation of the

provisions of this law:

- the organ, organization or another subject will be fined from 3 to 5

thousand denars for denying or not enabling the party to officially use

the language or script guaranteed by this law, or if it doesn't issue a

public document in any of these languages, according to the national

appertaining of the parties, i.e. upon particular request;

- the person responsible will be also fined for the misdemeanour

defined above with 700 to 1000 denars;

- the organ, organization or institution which violates the provisions

of this law regarding the inscriptions, names, firms, seal-stamps,

traffic signs, publication of texts and other laws, will be fined from

5 to 10 thousand denars for misdemeanours or economic delict;

- the person responsible of the subject will also be fined from 1 to 2

thousand denars;

- if the misdemeanour or delict is repeated, the foreseen sanctions will be tripled for each repetition.

FINAL PROVISIONS

Article 11

The evidence, forms, names, seal-stamps, inscriptions and other

public inscriptions must be harmonized with this provision within 12

months from the adoption of this law.

From the day this law enters in force, all new procedures will applythe provisions of this law in regard to the official use of languages

and scripts. The judicial, administrative and other procedures which

have started earlier and which have not ended before the deadline

determined in the previous paragraph, will end according to the

provisions of this law on the official use of languages and scripts.

Article 12

This law enters in force on the eighth day of its publication in the

"Official Gazette of the Republic of Macedonia".

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Article 13

In units of local administration, where there is a considerable number

of members of other nationalities, the official language and script,

along the Macedonian and Albanian languages and scripts, will be thelanguage and script of that nationality.

PROPOSAL OF PPDSH'S PROFESSIONAL GROUP - TETOVA DRAFT

Amendments I-VII to the Constitution of the Republic of Macedonia

These amendments are part of the Constitution of Macedonia and

enter in force the day of their approval.

AMENDMENT I

1. The Republic of Macedonia is a sovereign, independent,democratic and social state of the Macedonian people, Albanian

people and the nationalities which live in Macedonia.

2. This amendment replaces Article 1:1 of the Constitution of

Macedonia.

AMENDMENT II

1. The official and equal languages in the Republic of Macedonia are

the Macedonian language and the cyrillic script and the Albanianlanguage and script.

2. In municipalities where other nationalities live in considerable

numbers, the language and script of that nationality is official along

with the Macedonian and Albanian languages, pursuant the law and

the statute of the Municipality.

3. The freedom and equality of the languages and scripts implies the

private of official communication in one or the other language and

script.

4. Laws, their authentic interpretations, provisions and other acts are

published as authentic texts in the Macedonian and Albanian

languages.

5. The way and conditions for the realization of the equality of the

official use of languages and scripts is regulated by a special law.

6. In the realization of their rights, interests, and obligations, all

citizens of the Republic of Macedonia have the right to use their

language before the organs or organizations which complete publicauthorizations. The lack of knowledge of the language in which the

procedure is being conducted, can't be an obstacle in the realization

of the rights and interests of the citizens or juridical persons.

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7. This amendment replaces Article 7 of the Constitution of

Macedonia.

AMENDMENT III

1. The citizens of the Republic of Macedonia can be educated in the

Macedonian and Albanian languages in all levels of education.

2. The members of the nationalities have the right to receive primary

and secondary education in their mother tongue, as well as the

superior education, in accordance with the law.

3. The citizens of the Republic of Macedonia can receive secondary

and superior education in foreign languages as determined by law.

4. This amendment replaces Article 48:4 of the Constitution of Macedonia.

AMENDMENT IV

1. The laws, provisions and other acts will be published within seven

days from their approval in the "Official Gazette of the Republic of

Macedonia" in their authentic texts in the Macedonian and Albanian

language.

2. This amendment replaces Article 52:2 of the Constitution of Macedonia.

AMENDMENT V

(This amendment and its contents would replace Article 62:1 of the

Constitution, by determining the two-chamber structure of the

Parliament, with a determined number of MPs. This amendment

should also regulate the way to decide by consensus about certain

issues in the chamber of people and nationalities - your wording)

AMENDMENT VI

1. The municipality, through its organs and in accordance with the

law:

- adopts the plans of development, urbanism, the budget and balance;

- regulates and assures the development and realization of the

municipal activities;

- regulates and assures the use of construction lots and business space;

- gives its opinion about the general urbanistic and space plan of the

republic;

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- takes care of the construction, conservation of the roads of localities

and other public buildings of municipal importance;

- takes care of fulfilling the determined needs of the citizens in theareas of culture, education, health-care and social-care, children's

protection, physical culture, public information, tourism, ecology and

other areas of direct interest of the citizens;

- applies laws and other acts of the Republic, whose application by

law, belongs to the municipality and assures the application of the

general acts and the other municipal provisions;

- it establishes organs, organizations and services for the needs of the

municipality and regulates the organization and their work;

- gives consent for the establishment of the branches and other units

of the ministries and state organs of the republic seated in the

territory of the municipality, and proposes the foundation of these

state organs aiming at the more efficient and rational realization of

the rights and obligations of the citizens of the territory of the

municipality;

- gives consent to the acts of the central organs of the Republic for

the appointment of officials, leaders and persons with special

authorizations in the organs of the branches or regional units of ministries and other state organs, institutions and other public

institutions which are established by organs and organizations of the

Republic based in the territory of the municipality;

- gives consent to acts for the election or appointment of the judicial

officers, judiciary or misdemeanours, as well as institutions for the

execution of sanctions which are based in the municipality;

- discusses annual reports of the regional organs and branches of

state organs as well as institutions and other public entities which are

based in the territory of the municipality and gives its opinion aboutthe work of these institutional organs;

- achieves also other duties determined by the Constitution and laws,

as well as the statute of the Municipality.

2. This amendment replaces Article 115:1 of the Constitution of

Macedonia.

AMENDMENT VII

1. The proposal to change the Constitution of the Republic of

Macedonia can be presented by the President of the Republic, the

Government, at least 15 MPs or 50 thousand citizens.

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2. This amendment replaces Article 130 of the Constitution of

Macedonia.

EDUCATION/BOOKS

ONE BOOK FOR FIVE GENERATIONS

by IBRAHIM REXHEPI / Prishtina

The new school year started without any bigger changes compared to

the previous years. Still, the children's school bags are full of

notebooks, mainly imported, and they have less and less books. The

elementary school pupils can manage somehow, but high school and

university students will not have a chance to study from a book, butinstead will have to use poor quality notes taken in class. This is very

clear element which illustrates the quality of education. Is this the

pupils' and students' fault maybe? Of course, the reply is negative,

because they accepted to pay every book from their short pockets,

even the ones which were imposed on them even though the texts had

not the approval of the educational subjects. On the other hand, the

subjects linked to this segment, the Ministry of Education, the School

Book Publisher and even the Financing Council didn't coordinate their

labors as they should have and thus ease the problem a bit. This

problem becomes actual each September, or at the beginning of thenew school or academic year, meanwhile the rest of the months are

characterized with silence. Would there be any chance to actualize the

matter earlier, and not the day classes start? Xhevat Syla, Editor in

Chief of the School-Book Publisher, says that his institution is

preoccupied with the matter during the whole year, but that "the

circumstances in which we are working, are not our allies".

"Circumstances" imply the lack of freedom to act, the confiscated

material, repression and police persecution. It is a success, or a

failure, depending on the evaluation, but since the coercive measures

were implemented in the only institution in charge of publishingschool books, 84 books were published, out of which 70 are for

elementary schools, and the others are for high schools. Our

collocutor says that this is not something to be underestimated.

Nevertheless, in the first couple of years after the expulsion, the

coercive management eased the situation a bit, by allowing a part of

books confiscated in the warehouses to be sold. However, in 1993,

all school books which were at that time stored in the warehouse,

mainly Albanian language, history, geography, figurative culture,

musical art and social studies books, were destroyed. Some of themwould have been used today.

From this it became evident that elementary schools achieved to keep

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the necessary fundus of school-books, while the publication of high-

school and University books stagnated. Even though the latter has

attempted to publish a book or two, the situation is serious in the

secondary education. The old books were either sold or destroyed,

and new books were not published.

Among the capital works of the Publisher, Xhevat Syla stresses the

new language, literature and history books, which are being done on

harmonized curricula between the working groups of Kosova and

Albania. Last year, the Publisher printed the language book for the

second grade, and this year, it is working on the book for the third

and sixth grade. The publisher also published "Let's Learn the History

of Our People", and till the end of the year, they are expecting the

publication of the history books for the fifth and sixth grades and first

year of high school. "We have been trying to assure these books

successively from one year to the other. We have issued English booksfor elementary schools and high schools but the senior year, which is

expected to be published by the end of the calendar year. For the first

time this year, the mathematics book and notebook, as well as

teacher's guide book for the first grade of elementary school can be

found. Next year, we will publish the book for the second grade,

which means that the generation which starts school this year, will be

successively getting the adequate books.

This year we had an ambitious plan for publication of books for

elementary and high schools. We planned to publish 37 and managedto publish 21 books. We expect that the rest will be published soon

and will be applicable during the school year. The biggest delay will

be that of "Lecture 3" and "Literary Lecture 6", which were caused

by the authors and the assertion of the joint curricula - says Syla.

Such delays created a vacuum in the book market. And it was taken

advantage by crooks, who without anyone's consent, started

publishing school-books. This phenomenon appeared last year, when

the owner of "Berati" print plant photocopied the "Abecedaire" and

some other books. The photocopied book was sold at the price of 5

DEM, or 1,5 DEM more than the official price. This year, apartfrom this plant, others in Prishtina and Mitrovica started doing the

same. This book is still being sold at a high price.

The management of the Publisher states that "they know of these

people who are involved in this "activity", and then we know how

many copies they have printed, how much money they obtained and

where they have distributed the books. But, what can we do? We have

no institution which could prevent the pirate publications".

The vacuum, i.e. the lack of books mainly results from theimpossibility to have all projects on time, then the difficulties to

distribute the book to a book-shop or school. This is the reason why

the books are not always in the same place. This is why the parents

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or pupils are forced to walk around a lot to find the books elaborated

according to the new curricula. The fact that distribution is not well

organized, is proven by the in the way that this task has become the

teachers' obligation, who are obliged to collect the money from the

pupils and obtain books for them.

Is it that there are no books because of lack of money? No one can

use this as an excuse for a bad performance. Ismajl Kastrati,

Chairman of the Central Financing Council, states that "...the part

coming from the 3% and dedicated for this purpose, has regularly

reached its destination. Whether this amount was sufficient or not, it

is up to the officials to know, but since I have become in charge of

this Council, we have never refused any request. All our financing is

done in the form of investing in projects. The Publisher offers its

projects, it offers the texts that are ready for publication, shows the

price, sets the price and we discuss the possibility to cover theexpenses. It could be that there are not enough funds, but the money

is found later.

We don't gift any money to the Publisher. It is obliged to give back

the money upon the sale of the books, and the purpose is to create a

reproducing chain, i.e. to finance the other books by selling the

previous. However, the Publisher didn't pay back the debt, i.e.

returned only a part of the money. We have still not made a balance

which would present the relations between the Financing Council and

the Publisher, but from now on, things will go differently. This year,we have signed an agreement, determining the way the funds will be

used, the dynamics of returning the debt and our control and

supervision of the distribution. Our people will control the number of

published books, their distribution, the formation of prices and the

amount of money gathered from the sale. I can say that we will

always have a clear picture of what is going on with the books - says

Kastrati.

Xhevat Syla doesn't deny the fact that the Publisher is owing money

to the Fund, and stressed that the money coming from the Council is

only a loan and that the debt should be paid back. The materialsupport we have from the Government, as well as many donors

outside Kosova, but also the domestic ones, made the publication of

books possible, concluded Syla.

Anyhow, the school-books are also facing problems not hard to go

over, or as our collocutors say, it is facing a situation that doesn't

stimulate it. While in Kosova there are several ministries (of

education), sub-ministries and over-ministries, in times when the

contradictions between the educational institutions are more and more

evident, then things can't go the way they should in this area, either.Pupils and students are trying to adapt to the "new educational

circumstances" which are characterized with the surpassed methods

(pencil, notebook and dictation).

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This is suiting the ones who are profiting personally from the

situation. Unfortunately, there are quite some profiters around.

EDUCATION/BOOKS

OUR EDUCATIONAL NEVER-ENDING PROBLEMS

by ILAZ THAÇI / Prishtina

"The book is my best friend". Probably everybody remembers the old

cliche repeated to us by our old teachers.

Today, even though the book still remains one's best friend, it is very

hard to find it in book-shops, and if you do, it will cost you quitemuch.

It regards the difficulties that the parents are facing when trying to

purchase books for their children. What makes the problem even

more serious is that the books are partially distributed and the

completion of sets of books is almost impossible. The problem of the

publication and distribution of school books is a responsibility of the

School-Book Publisher of Kosova, and it is a very serious problem in

the present conditions.

But, how much can the lack of books in our book-stores be justified

with the difficult conditions, when the majority of private book-shop

owners has asked the Publisher to provide them with certain

contingents of books, conscious that they could face problems with

the police. Mainly, the complaints of the private owners are addressed

to the Publisher. An owner of a book-store in Prishtina, near the

market, says that the request he sent to the Publisher was not taken

into consideration last nor this year. Meanwhile, we were told that

another book-store, behind the Theatre in Prishtina, was furnished

with books for the 1995/96 school year. The truth was that we could

only find the English book for the first year of high school, at the price of 12 dinars (5 DEM). Then the question justly arises: why is

it that some book-stores in Peja, Gjilan, Gjakova, etc. are full of

books, it can't be that the needs in those areas are bigger!

The truth remains elsewhere, for sure. Maybe the reason is that some

years ago, private book-stores refused to receive materials and books

from the Publisher - as one of the managers of the Publisher who

wishes to remain anonymous admits. On the other hand, this

institution is publishing, distributing and selling text-books from

certain places, where the pupils can buy books directly, and where the price of the book is 4-5 DEM.

But, the illegal competition is there too. Seemingly, "Rilindja" started

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re-publishing the book "History of the Albanian People" (for high

schools) without the permission of the authors and the changes

introduced in the curricula. Consequently, the book was distributed

in the schools, without the consent of the Ministry of Education of

Kosova, which forced it to react harshly and request the distributionto stop immediately, for only the Ministry is competent to elaborate

the curricula. What is worse, this book was offered to the students at

the price of 17 DEM, or some 40 dinars!

Is there a special commission or body of the Government of Kosova

(!) which would control the amount of money given to the Publisher;

to check-up and prevent manipulations which are done and whose

immediate victims are the pupils, students and their parents?

What about the quality?

The quality of the books published this year by the Publisher is

worse. The book of such quality can't be used over a year.

Apart from this, the majority of books published are filmed in only

two colors, black and white, and are usually of the same content as

the old ones(!), except some which have undergone specific serious

changes or few cosmetic changes. Naturally, their price is as high as

the one of good paper quality or filmed in many colors.

Several principals insist that the school-books should be sold in the

book-stores in town, or be sold in different points which would beopen for all, and not allow the sales to be done in the way or interest

of the ones who are selling the books.

The town of Prishtina which has 15 elementary schools and a large

number of high schools must have at least three book-stores which

would more or less ease the chaotic situation which is reigning in the

segment of the offer and purchase of books. And these would only

sell school-books.

After all what has been said, the conclusion could be that the

contracts between the selling points and the schools are done as itsuits the first. In the case of one elementary school, it was offered a

certain number of sets of books for all classes and also given the

possibility to pay the books in instalments, a thing which was not

applicable in the largest school in Prishtina, where the management

was told to make an advance payment first, and then get the books.

And even though the school agreed to do so, it didn't receive the

whole contingent! And then another detail from the same school. Last

year, they managed to keep some 150 "ABC" books for the coming

year, and just before the new year started, the Ministry of Educationinformed them that a new book would be used in the coming year. So

the teachers had to collect the money from the children and parents

again, and buy new books. And what happened? The books were

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identical (!?!).

Where is the coordination?

Documents

Koha Digest 73 (1995)