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The weekly Koha (The T imes) was published in Prishtina (Kosovo) between 1994 and 1997. E dited by VetonSurroi, a young Kosovar journalist and one of the pioneers of democratisation in former Y ugoslavia, Koha

soon became a symbol of quality among the region's media. In 1997 it started to be published daily under the

name of Koha Ditor. With the kind permission of Mr. Surroi, Koha digests were originally posted on

http://koha.estudiosbalcanicos.org.

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Koha Digest # 71

EDITORIAL

SPARTACUS, THE LIVING FOSSIL

by VETON SURROI

His hands were almost freezing, in a forest in Siberia, where he was cutting wood, thinking

that it wouldn't be a bad idea to see where his grandfather was born. He needed several

months for the preparations, and Spartacus, former holder of the Soviet passport, then

Armenian, then Russian, departed towards Greece with a new document which acknowledged

his Greek ethnicity.

His grandfather was part of the "Pondi" Greeks (Greeks who were taken before time to Asia,around the Black Sea and the Caucasus by trade and life). Thessaloniki resembled a big

double-flow river. Turks, Jews, Albanians and who knows who else were going towards

Istanbul; Greeks, Armenians and who knows who else were coming from Istanbul.

Spartacus's grandfather, predecessor of the river, decided to seek for his fate in Armenia and

the fate wanted to have Spartacus born in an Armenian Babylon: in a house where Greek was

spoken, where school was in Russian, where he spoke Armenian and Azerian (a variant of

Turkish) to friends, and during the years of military service in Siberia, he learned from his

colleagues also the "Ataman", an unknown language to me so far (and hard to believe in)

which he claims comprises chinese-mongolian-japanese variants.

The whole village, in village Halki near Rhodos must know that Spartacus is "Pondi". Not so

much because of the hard accent, almost military, of the Greek he speaks, but because Halki

has around 400 inhabitants, has four taverns, three donkeys and to go from one side to the

other, you must pass through zig-zag streets which take you at times at the top of a kitchen, or

a sleeping room, with windows wide open to air. He came here because it is not easy to find a

job in Thessaloniki, meanwhile another Greek from the diaspora, from Libya, offered him a

job in his hotel.

For one week, he silently looks at different people from the world, discussing about Europe's

problems, the war in the Balkans, about the tragedy of people which by rule don't live any

more in the lands where their grandparents were born. On the seventh day, he asks me:

"What will happen with the Balkans?"

While I am preparing a long answer, I recall the latest news, on the transfer of population,

Krajina Serbs towards Serbia, Croats from Bosnian enclaves towards Croatia, Vojvodina

Hungarians for years and quietly towards Hungary... people are regrouping, new maps of

national states are formed, and the Balkans will not be calmed until the maps are finished, all

those arising from the Former Yugoslavia. In a way, I tell Spartacus, it is similar to the years

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which came after his grandfather left Thessaloniki. And in a way, the Balkans will be for

many years the biggest story-telling place: each one will have a story to tell about his

emigration, each one, as Spartacus, will be a living fossil who will speak of the layering of

history by itself, the tectonic movements of the earth and the sky.

USA/ALBANIA

ENCOURAGEMENT TO GO AHEAD

by LINDITA IMAMI / Washington

Albania's President, Sali Berisha, visited the USA. During his stay in Washington, he met

with President Clinton, Vice-President Gore, Secretary of State Christopher, Defense

Secretary Perry, Treasury Secretary Rubin, and many other officials of the Americanadministration.

The meeting between the Albanian and American president was concentrated on the

economic and military cooperation between the two states, the actual issues in the Balkans

and the efforts to continue with the democratic and economic reformations in Albania.

According to what the White House's spokesman declared, President Clinton praised Albania

for its stabilizing role in the Balkans. Clinton also assured Berisha that the US will strongly

support the autonomy for the people in Kosova and will continue with their efforts in this

direction.

President Clinton assured the Albanian president that the US will continue assisting Albania

economically through different programs and will also finance a new project for agriculture

and forestry and the development of the infrastructure.

In the action of military cooperation, President Clinton supported the active participation of

Albania in NATO's "Partnership for Peace" and informed the Albanian president about the

American initiative to train and equip a contingent of Albanian peace-keepers within the

framework of this program. Addressing the journalists, after the meeting which lasted an

hour, Berisha said: "I am satisfied with what we have achieved. The strengthening of this

cooperation will continue".

During the meeting, Clinton also praised the progress that Albania has achieved in the

development of democracy and expressed the hope that it will continue the democratic

reforms, that it weill assure the rule of law and will consolidate the independence of the

courts. The American president also promised Berisha, assistance to start a program for the

professional training of judges, prosecutors and policemen.

White House spokesman, David Johnson, said that during the conversations there were also

talks about Albania's wish to be assisted in patrolling its territorial waters, as well as its

relations with Turkey and Greece. According to him, President Berisha had stressed that

Albania is interested to have friendly relations with Greece and other neighboring countries.

On Monday, Warren Christopher organized a lunch at the White House, to honor Berisha,

with the participation of under-secretaries Richard Holbrooke, and Peter Tarnoff and other

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State Department officials. According to the press communique, during lunch, President

Berisha expressed his compliments for the help the American government has offered

Albania so far, and expressed his wish for continued assistance. On the other hand,

Christopher spoke positively of the economic reformations and promised that the US will

contribute to the economic development of Albania. Christopher spoke of the importance ofthe good relations of Albania with its neighbors and the need to fulfil the needs of the Greek

minority in Albania. In the press release, it is stated that Berisha also spoke of the question of

Kosova, to what the American Secretary of State repeated the old American posture - the

restoration of autonomy and the respect of human and civil rights of the Albanians in Kosova.

On Wednesday, on his last days of visit, Berisha was received by William Perry, Defense

Secretary. According to the spokesman of this department, the meeting was centered on

several key issues: the situation in the Former Yugoslavia and the activities of the NATO in

the region, the military assistance of the US to Albania and the joint military training.

In several interviews, Berisha praised NATO attacks in Bosnia. "The NATO attacks were ajustified way to defend the government and population of Bosnia. I believe that this was a just

way to contribute to peace and stability of the region, because air strikes emended the mistake

of the arms embargo", said Berisha. Asked whether bombing should continue, Berisha said:

"Without any doubt, NATO should continue with the air-strikes and thus lift the seige of

Sarajevo". On the other hand, interviewed by CNN, he declared: "I have asked that the lifting

of the sanctions be conditioned with the situation in Kosova".

Berisha also visited the Center for Strategic and International Studies, and there he reiterated

that without the solution of Kosova's problem, there can't be any peace or stability in the

Balkans. He requested the Kosova question to be incorporated in the actual efforts of theContact Group for the solution of the conflict in the Former Yugoslavia. "Kosova is not

simply an Albanian-Serb problem, but it is a regional problem. The explosion of a conflict

would involve many states and the consequences would be catastrophic for all of us. Anyhow,

it should be clear that Albanians will respond as people against any Serbian attack against

Albanians in Kosova", declared Berisha.

At the World Bank and International Monetary Fund, the main topic of discussion was the

economic development of Albania and the economic programs of this international financial

institution for Albania. Michel Camdessy, General Director of IMF declared to the journalists

that Albania was much more successful in its economic improvement than Central-European

states. "Albania is bringing to the world examples of resistance and development. In thisinstitution, we like states which have economic growth and low inflation. But there are not

many states in the world in which the level of economic growth is almost twice as the growth

of inflation. This is an evident positive result which will influence the improvement of the

standard of living of Albanians".

After visiting the Museum of the Holocaust, the Albanian delegation continued its visit with

the Albanian community in Boston and New York.

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HOW CAN AUTONOMY BE RESTORED?

KOHA / Prishtina

While the satisfaction of both presidents was expressed about the results of the conversations,the question of Kosova still left quite some space for different interpretations. What President

Berisha declared to the journalists ("USA will strongly support the full restoration of rights of

the Albanians in Kosova") was later transformed in President Clinton's official statement

("USA strongly support the autonomy of the people of Kosova"). If the statements would be

mixed, the assertion would be that "USA strongly support the restoration of the autonomy of

Kosova". If such a speculation is close to the content of the conversations, then the Kosova

issue is again one phase outside the center of attention. Because:

* the concept of restoration is against the whole flow of the Former Yugoslav crisis, where

new relations between states are being created and nothing is restored (on the contrary, all

attempts for this failed),

* the flow of the disintegration of the Former Yugoslavia goes towards the national states as a

form of stabilization (autonomy ruins the concept of the Albanian and Serb national states),

* both Serbs and Albanians have declared to be against the autonomy as a solution,

- Even if both parties would want it, the 1974 autonomy remains a fruit of a multi-ethic

Yugoslavia with eight federal units. That Yugoslavia is dead, and the restoration of that

model is an attempt to revive the dead.

Another issue is that of mechanisms which would "restore" a political structure in Kosova.

The "conscious role of Albania in the regions of the Former Yugoslavia with a large ethnic

Albanian population" is important to President Clinton, and is something he praised, however

the same thing can't be said about Serbia's role.

The future action of Kosova Albanians will be maybe disputable, without a more elaborated

project which would contain the magic concept of self-determination.

MACEDONIA

THE NEW LOOK OF THE MACEDONIAN FLAG

by SELADIN XHEZAIRI / Shkup

Anxiety captivated Macedonian officials at the beginning of last week. Such an atmosphere

was also helped by the MTV journalists who conveyed uncertain information on whether

foreign ministers Crvenkovski and Papulias had met or hadn't met yet in New York with the

mediation of Cyrus Vance and Clinton's special envoy Matthew Nimitz. Regardless of this,

on Wednesday, September 13, in the presence of UN Secretary General Boutros Ghali, thetwo ministers signed the agreement on the normalization of relations between the two states.

In this document, Macedonia is referred to as FYROM, however, regardless from this, it was

stressed that "parties will undertake practical measures to avoid problems with the name of

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the `second party', and evade any intrusion in the trade relations between the second and other

parties". The essence of this document in brief: the name of Macedonia was not object of the

"bargain"; within some days from the day the agreement was reached, Macedonia will have to

remove the Vergina star from the flag, meanwhile Greece, within the same time frame, will

lift the unilateral embargo imposed since 16 February 1994 (which according to theMacedonian side has cost it 50 millions of dollars a month); Greece will recognize FYROM's

independence and states will establish diplomatic relations, meanwhile Macedonia declares

that when it refers to the disputable articles of the Constitution, they will not be interpreted as

grounds for any territory which is not within the frame of its borders, meanwhile Greece, as

the first party, will not oppose the adhesion of the "second party" in international bodies (and

the first tests will probably be the OSCE, European Council and the systems of collective

security...)

This agreement caused different reactions. Thus, Macedonian president Kiro Gligorov

declared that this represents "a new success for the Republic of Macedonia, in its peaceful

policy towards the solution of all disputes with its neighbors, the realization of human andminorities rights pursuant to international standards, on the principles of the Europeization of

the Balkans and the defense of its national interests and objects". He, also, greeted the

"realistic posture" of the southern neighbor, thus sending telegrams to both his colleague

Kostas Stefanopoulos and premier Andreas Papandreou, expressing his conviction that this is

a new page in the relations between two states, in the interest of both states, and even wider:

"Time will prove that this act can be a decisive event for the future of the Balkans".

Similar reactions came from premier Branko Crvenkovski, head of the parliament Stojan

Andov, who also stressed that opposition, especially those coming from "extreme forces" to

the document shouldn't be paid any attention. Referring to the "forces", Lupco Georgijevski(VMRO-DPMNE) in a statement he gave to KOHA and which almost represents the posture

of the opposition, which showed it's disagreement with the accord the very night it was

signed, organizing a meeting which didn't impress much the ruling coalition: "This agreement

is shameful. Macedonia loses everything and gains nothing with it. We are losing our flag,

articles of the Constitution, we lose the name, i.e. gain a new one, FYROM, at least for the

next seven years. This is national treason and this is how it can be qualified in any state. As

we see, the Macedonian government didn't manage to even lift the embargo, and at the

beginning it claims that this will come as soon as the document is signed. I hope the

Macedonian people will remember this and evaluate it properly", concludes Georgijevski.

In regard to the Albanian parties, they greeted the act of the announcement of the beginningof the normalization of Macedonian-Greek relations, warning, however, that actually

Macedonia must give proper and serious attention to the internal problems, the Albanian

question first of all.

It would be normal if Macedonian officials would express their happiness for having

eliminated this problem from the agenda (even though there are reserves and that there could

be new problems arising), however lifting the relations with the USA at the level of

embassies, became the topic, especially in the pro-government media. Gligorov declared that

establishing full diplomatic relations with the USA is very important not only for Macedonia

but also the whole region. He admitted that the American role in the application of the Greek-Macedonian postures was decisive, therefore, said Gligorov, this "was a confirmation of the

American-Macedonian interests for peace and stability" in this area and the strengthening of

the international position of the Republic Macedonia".

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On the other hand, L. Georgijevski greeted the elevation of the relations at the level of

embassies: "We consider that Macedonia must be closer to the USA, to be a friendly state.

However, we are not happy that these relations were in a way conditioned with our

concessions to Greece..."

And when it comes to Americans, the letter of the chairmen of the three Albanian political

parties addressed to President Clinton continues being at the focus of the attention of the

public: on one hand it's Abdurrahman Aliti who draws the attention of the public with his

reply to the ones who opposed and criticized it, and on the other hand are the caricatures of

Xhemil Idrizi and Hisen Ramadani, who evaluated the letter as "harmful for the Albanian

national interests in Macedonia".

The reply of the first was that "not much should be expected from pro-Macedonian elements",

while the electoral unit of Hisen Ramadani, who has recently admitted that "he is counsellor

to Gligorov about the Albanian issue", is about to initiate the vote of non-confidence...

MACEDONIA

THE AGREEMENT AND DISLOYALTY

by ISO RUSI / Shkup

It was clear that Macedonia acceded to accept the imposed agreement with the southern

neighbor, and the "short memory" of the actual government seemed to turn the attention ofthe public from the agreement to disloyalty.

In times when there is a lot of noise about Macedonia (and the agreement) inside the state

proper, which makes it clear that the Macedonian government is not all that innocent - the

agreement will be signed, there will be a solemnity at the White House, among others, the

presidential elections campaign starts, meanwhile the successes of the leaders are disputable,

the Macedonian public is still discussing about the letter of the leaders of three Albanian

political parties addressed to Clinton. Despite the fact that a small number of Macedonians is

protesting against any kind of agreement with the Greek.

The letter of the three political leaders, before all because of the use of disputable terms(FYROM and Slavic-Macedonians) was criticized very much, as in times of the

differentiations in the Communist Party.

The impression remains that even the state-controlled media dedicated just too much space to

this letter: in times when the affair about the agreement with the Greeks appeared in the

media, the same media wasted too much space and time criticizing Aliti for the explanations

about the letter.

After the reaction of the Macedonian TV, or rather Minister Frckovski and Ambassador-

Counsellor Tosevski, both participants in the conversations mediated by Arens, and in adebate organized by MTV's director Saso Ordanovski, it was thought that criticism in this

direction had ended.

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The most recent developments in regard to the relations with the Greeks, should be a reason

enough to forget "the Albanian subversive activity". Nevertheless, in times when it was still

not ceratin what agreement was reached with the southern neighbor, the local media saw it

necessary to (again) comment the letter to Clinton.

Thus, "Vecer" published an information on September 12, quoting Aliti's statement in a

meeting of his central presidency, transmitted by Makpress, "Nova Makedonija's" pupil -

closely linked to the ruling party.

"In his interpretations of the terms FYROM and Slavic-Macedonians, Aliti said that the

Republic of Macedonia is known in the UN and the international circles with that name, and

that this term was used for more precise communication". Further on, obviously the well

informed Vecer continues: "We will not comment on this explanation, but we would like to

remind the readers that the PPD has so far sent several letters to the international community.

And in these letters there were no referrals as in this one sent to Clinton". And further: "the

content of the mentioned letters draws along the logical conclusion why this terminology wasused in the letter to Clinton. But, PPD's letter set to the European Council requests the delay

of the reception of the Republic of Macedonia is this body, and the letter sent to the UN,

allegedly contains information about the catastrophic situation of the Albanians in

Macedonia. The use of the term "FYROM" can be interpreted as an attempt to potentiate

Macedonia as a juridically and internationally undefined subject, reviving old political games

about some possible confederations of the former-Yugoslav type". One day later, "Nova

Makedonija", the "most important Macedonian daily" published a brief comment, clearly an

alibi in relation to the comment published by Vecer previously. It talks about "Aliti's

ridiculous explanations", "the harmful political consequences", etc. to finally conclude about

the "hidden purposes of the Albanians to create Greater Albania and the activities againstMacedonia".

The recent reactions of the Macedonian press are well known, we would say. This time it is

only not known what bothers more: the internal consensus (not only the Albanian-

Macedonian), which does not exist, or arguments that again, based on the old cliche, have

discovered the internal and external enemies.

MACEDONIA

ENTERING THE HOT ZONE

by IBRAHIM MEHMETI / Shkup

After a series of laws regarding the economy, the Parliament of Macedonia started with the

adoption of laws regarding education, which represent the entrance in the "hot zone" of the

legislators' work. In this meeting, the 25th in this composition, two laws were adopted: on

elementary and high school education. Otherwise, these are laws whose approval has been

expected since several years ago, and represent the bases of the reformations in education,

which, as expected, will bring radical changes in education. The third issue of the agenda, theadoption of the law on superior education, was not discussed because of the length of the

previous discussions on the two acts. The resumption of the session failed the next day, as

quorum was lacking.

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As it could be expected, the tone of this session was given by Albanian MPs, who offered a

long list of amendments. This meeting will also be remembered because of the fact that one

MP, Sali Ramadani (PPDSH), offered twenty-five (25) amendments. It should be

immediately stressed that none of them were adopted by the representative of the

Government, Education Minister, Mrs. Simovska, neither were they supported by themajority of the MPs. Ramadani himself should be criticized for this, for he lacked tact when

presenting the amendments, but on the other hand, his proposals didn't find the support of the

Albanian MPs, especially those of the PPD whose presence was symbolic . Among the

amendments presented by Ramadani, there is one related to Art. 8 of the Law on Elementary

Education, which foresees obligatory learning of Macedonian, which according to him is in

direct collision with Art. 7:2,3 of the Constitution of Macedonia. Another suggestion was that

of PDP's representative, Zeqir Kadriu, who claimed that Albanian pupils will have more

classes than the Macedonian because of this reason, and he also suggested children started

learning Macedonian from the third grade instead the first grade as it is now.

The Law on High School Education caused quite some interest, because of the manyinnovations it introduces. The new law allows the establishment of public and private

schools, and both must meet the determined standards.

This law also introduces some innovations in relation to the teaching staff. In the future,

teachers will be tested for one year and then requested to pass a professional examination.

Apart from this, their work will be evaluated every two years, and if the teacher is evaluated

negatively twice in a row, then that person will be excluded from the educational process.

These suggestions were not opposed by the MPs, for all are conscious that education in both

languages needs to wake up from the lethargy.

What incited longer discussions in regard to this law was the amendment to Art. 34 which

requested the elimination of the obligation of passing the maturity examination. The

amendment was supported by the majority of the MPs, and despite the minister's opposition,

it was finally adopted. Despite the argument related to this amendment, it was proven that the

Governments rules over the Parliament, which has turned into a voting machine. Finally, with

the majority of votes, this law too was adopted, which brings the law on superior studies to be

the next on the agenda. The adoption of this law will at the same time determine the fate of

the University of Tetova, which means that a harsh conflict between the Albanian MPs on

one side and the Government officials on the other could be expected. Even though unequal

as of now, the relation of forces will also depend on the inter-relations of the Albanian

political parties.

FINANCING

SECRET MONEY

by IBRAHIM REXHEPI / Prishtina

If the new balance of the "budget" were not done, or as the competent say, if monthly planswere not reduced some 30%, then the level of cashing contributions in the first semester of

the year would be much lower than the figures presented. The Funds of the Republic of

Kosova managed to gather 60% of the planned amount, which when compared to the

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previous period, represent a quite satisfactory level of (self) financing. If the re-balance were

not made, then the gathered amount would fulfil 46,3% of the plans. All of this is a game of

figures, and the whole truth remains in the amount of gathered funds. There is not enough

money. In several municipalities, the salaries of the teachers for the month of May and June

were barely paid, but there are regions, as in Magur (Lipjan), in which the salaries were notpaid in the past four months. According to what Isa Mustafa, Minister of Economy, says,

from this month and on something must be done to increase the amount of the "3% Fund"

transferred to Kosova. This means that self-financing in Kosova is stagnating, not to say that

it is slowly entering a crisis. But, this claim could be denied, if we assert that within this year,

the teachers' salaries doubled, and this is the reason why more money is needed, then that the

people are in a very difficult financial position, and that more couldn't be expected. Or, as

Ismajl Kastrati, Chairman of the Central Financing Council, says, this year's plan must be

fulfilled, since it represents the real possibilities the Kosova has. He even takes as grounds the

plan elaborated at the beginning of the year, since the decrease occurred only in ceratin

periods. This has its logic, for each month is specific, and this is why the amount to be

collected and distributed can't be the same each month.

Maybe in the Albanian political establishment, in Kosova as well as outside, there are no

dilemmas about the organization of the financing system, however, there are some open

contradictions and misunderstandings in this sense. For sure there is no need to generalize the

experience of a cashier from Prishtina, who says that there are cases in which "an obligator

says that even if I go there a hundred times, he won't pay. `Who is coming to my door and

asking for money on behalf of the government, what government?', they will say...".

Or for example in a village, the elderly started speaking of the financing system. No one is

against it in principle, however, many dilemmas remain. One says, why should I pay assomeone with members of family abroad, when my son is not working there but is an asylum-

seeker. He also pays the three percent. In general, this village has a very low level of paid

contributions, but on the other hand, almost every fifth family of this village spent their

summer holidays on the beach, it has a huge number of pilgrims and a grandiose mosque,

which has started being decorated from the outside with expensive bricks...

The neighboring village, whose inhabitants are farmers, and which is full of private

workshops, shops and warehouses of construction material, fulfilled the plan almost 100%.

There were many from this village that went to the sea-coast, they also go to Mecca, there are

asylum-seekers and people employed abroad, but there is also a great disposition to help

Albanian education and the organization inside. This contrast occurs in the municipality ofLipjan, in which the financing plan has be fulfilled 42%, while 55% of the funding for the

needs of education are taken from the Central Financing Council of Kosova.

Shtime can't be taken as a general example in this area. Half of the plan was fulfilled there,

and over the half of the needs are covered by the Financing Council. This means that it is a

modest area in respect to the paid contributions, but not in the sense of the possibilities it has.

Nevertheless, this case is mentioned because of totally unnecessary polarization existing

between the political subjects, which is reflected in the efficiency of the Financing Council.

The LDK wishes to hold everything under its control, to choose and appoint persons,

regardless of their professional training and their capability and willingness to deal with theproblem. The reorganization of the Council, which should be done according to a unique

formula for the whole of Kosova, where both elements, membership in a party and

professional capacities, are a must, caused a split. People were discharged and appointed, and

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according to the locals, they belong to the largest party. This is why there is open opposition

to pay contributions, because some obligators claim that they won't pay anything to those who

are running after their political careers. This is why in the past two or three months, the

amount of money collected was much smaller than so far.

Private enterprises have paid 59% of the planned amounts, shops and private workshops,

artisans and services paid 55%, the employed and the retired paid 79%, renters - 37%, taxi-

drivers and transporters -22%, families with persons employed abroad - 44%, familial

economies - 43% and finally donors have surpassed the plan for 55%. Realistically, the whole

burden of the financing system relies on four categories: private enterprises, the employed

and the retired, families with a members employed aborad and the familial communities

which paid 82% of the gathered amount. Therefore, the other five categories of "tax

obligators", who pay the rest (18%), are there just to complete the mosaic of an imagined

fiscal system of Kosova. The experts claim that the possibilities are bigger within those

categories which are marginal today. But the problem is how to evidence them, how to

establish the level of contribution, when it is evident that they don't wish to become part ofthe system voluntarily. This year's surprise is the category of the employed who have pretty

much increased the volume of their contribution, as well as their participation in the general

income. There is really no data whether the contributions are being paid more regularly, or is

it a consequence of the increase of the salaries and thus the automatic increase of the so called

"5% Contribution". But, knowing that the number of Albanian workers has not increased in

the past several years, the impression is that this is a result of the increase of salaries. The

case of Gjakova and Obiliq, where there is still a considerable number of Albanians working,

best proves their capacity. In Gjakova, 24,7% are paid by the workers, while private

enterprises pay only 15%. Or Obiliq, e.g., where 66% are collected from the workers (mainly

of the Electric Power Plant), while private enterprises paid only 750 German Marks, meaningthat their participation in the general amount starts with three zeros.

The comparison in the area of private enterprises was made on purpose, because the idea was

that education would be supported by them. It was only a wish, because out of 16 thousand

registered private enterprises in Kosova, only 4770 of them pay contributions!

It is interesting to see that the level of participation of the money coming from the Financing

Fund of the Government of Kosova has been increasing constantly. In 1992 - it participated

with 31,3% of the funds, one year later, it decreased for 1,3 index points, then in 1994 - it

participated with 36%, in the first three months this year with 40% and in the next three

months with 47%. This flow proves that the burden of financing is being transferred fromKosova abroad, among the Albanian population in different countries of the world. If Kosova

continues impoverishing, then the financing of education and other activities will become

very difficult. There are statements which claim that the payment of the "3%" is not

satisfactory neither abroad, there are even places which propagate the non-fulfilment of the

obligation. Even though these statements are few, nevertheless there is proof that the action is

not developing as wished. Therefore, it is very hard to say that 70% of the money can be

saved for other necessities, i.e. for strategic reasons, as Isa Mustafa declares.

The problem would be analyzed from another angle too. Is there enough information about

this activity and can it become more institutionalized? The Central Financing Council doesn'tknow more than the amount of money collected in Kosova and the money coming from the

Government. How much money is gathered outside, where is it concentrated, could more be

done, are there any abuses, is someone doing business with this money or not, are things

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known to the Premier and the ministers of the government. Whether the President's office is

well informed about this issue, it is very hard to verify, because this issue is considered to be

a secret. Therefore, there is no true mechanism which communicates openly with the public.

In this case, it would be competence of the Parliament, which discusses and adopts the

budget. And if it happens, as Isa Mustafa declares, that as of this year we will speak outopenly about the amounts of money gathered, then many things will come out on the surface.

For example, how much money is spent on subsistence allowances, how is the capital of

"Dardania Bank" revalorized, and it is known that the capital originates from the 3%, how

much are the responsible involved in financial scandals, in political parties, teachers'

association, the Independent Trade-Union...

But, not all questions will be answered, because the state (the government) has its secrets,

which sometimes, cover the black holes...

INTERVIEW

ISA MUSTAFA, Minister of Economy and Finance of the Government of Kosova

NO MONEY, NO STATE

by FADIL GASHI / Bonn

KOHA: How does the Government perceive the present social situation in Kosova, and how

does this situation reflect in the peaceful resistance?

MUSTAFA: The situation is very difficult. People are facing the borders of survival. This is

an agony which is going on for over five years, in which families have spent all their reserves.

The miners, inhabitants of towns and workers of the administration had the worst experience,

meanwhile the teachers expressed their willingness to continue working and receive modest

financial assistance. On the other hand, by getting involved in the private sector, our people

showed a characteristic vitality, but this vitality can't stand strong because of the daily

plundering it is subjected to. A very important and irreplaceable source of existence is the

income of our workers abroad.

In regard to the peaceful resistance, I must say that it has not been linked to the socialsituation any time. If it were in correlation with the social situation, then people even before

1990 would give up on the resistance, because Kosova has been experiencing a critical social

situation since long ago. Serbia has counted on this element, for sure, and it thought that by

dismissing 150 thousand people form their jobs, closing down factories, schools, institutions,

etc., it would ethnically cleanse Kosova. Partially, it achieved it's goal.

Therefore, it is an immediate task of the political subjects of Kosova to stop emigration,

meanwhile the government and the other organs working in the West must put this potential

of people provisionally aborad in function of the resistance, not only through financial

contributions, but also their preparation and training, so when they go back to Kosova theycan organize a more advanced economy.

KOHA: The Government whose minister you are, is physically detached from the Kosovan

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reality. Is this an obstacle in your functions?

MUSTAFA: Having in mind that we are abroad, as agreed with the leadership in Kosova, we

have taken on us only the tasks which can be accomplished abroad. The bast solution would

be if we could constitute the Government in Kosova. That would be ideal. However, imposedby the situation this couldn't be so, therefore, we have still a government functioning abroad.

To have an effective work, there must be exchange of information, opinions, materials, i.e.

integral engagement of all subjects. We lack this quite often, and that is the reason why there

are inconsistencies in our work. I believe that the major problem that we face is the lack of

communication. I believe that the Government would function much better if it were

completed and if there would be a necessary order of tasks and obligations and cooperation ,

for the problem that the Government and the organs in Kosova are engaged about, is the

same. It is not the first time that there is a government in exile.

KOHA: How do the contacts and links with the organs of resistance in Kosova function?

MUSTAFA: We have tried to coordinate the labors with organs which deal with economy

and finance in Kosova. I am referring to operational issues, because the global ones request

decisions at higher levels.

In Kosova we have a Central Financing Council, LDK's Section for Economic Relations and

the Special Financing Commission of President's Cabinet. The Chamber of Commerce of

Kosova started functioning, but it was prevented by police actions. We have established a

bank in Albania, which, apart from transferring money, is also there to take over the

development role. We have agreed to a division of work, and so far we have reached, to acertain extent, a functional harmony. LDK's Section mainly projects the economic strategy,

because it has the possibility to gather quite a large number of experts and specialists from

Kosova, it takes care of the segment of economic cooperation, contacts the economic

associations, etc. The Central Financing System collects and distributes the contributions for

societal activities in Kosova, including the money coming each month from the Funds outside

Kosova; the Special Commission, with the money that we send from the Funds of the

Republic, plans and covers the expenses of the President's Cabinet and the other organs of

Government in Kosova. We have cooperated with the UITUK and the University regarding

determined problems. We are interested to coordinate our work with other political subjects.

Therefore, the dissatisfactions could be caused only in cases when there is not sufficient

money and in no way an expression of unwillingness for cooperation and communication.

KOHA: And the direction of the activities of your Ministry?

MUSTAFA: We are trying to increase the Funds. Right now, this is basic, because without

money, we can't go far. Now we have come in a situation in which we must address each of

our compatriots officially and ask him/her to fulfil the obligations, to evidence the obligator

in a register and inform the latter about the amount of his contribution for the independence

of Kosova. In Switzerland, we have started sending all of those who fulfil their obligations

before the deadline, respective certificates, while the others will be getting it at the end of the

year.

So far, we have established 19 funds abroad. Their number is too large, compared to the

contributions which are gathered. We have completed the first phase of our work with our

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compatriots in the field. We believe that we can start with phase two, when the Ministry of

Finance , i.e. the Funds, will communicate with the citizens directly, while the organs in

Kosova would accomplish the work in the field and would help in cases when individuals or

determined groups would not comply.

On the other hand, we need to elaborate a long-term strategy together with the organs in

Kosova, about the financing system, in which the main income would come from our own

economy, reserve funds for urgent needs, while the three percent would continue functioning

as a fiscal segment.

KOHA: Recently the Government has opened its office in Bonn. The delay incited too much

criticism against the Government. Why wasn't the office opened before?

MUSTAFA: The main problem with this Government was that it was "provisional", and thus

we acted. We were convinced that after the new elections and the appointment of the new

government, the new team would take over all the obligations, including the opening ofKosova's offices abroad. Before the free elections, the Government was seated in Slovenia for

over 6 months, then after the elections, we have been spread all over and functioned

individually, as we could, some in Germany, some in Slovenia, some in Albania, in

Switzerland, etc. The seat of the Fund remained in Germany, near Uhlm, and this is the place

where the Premier has coordinated the labor of the government. Two months ago we have

opened the office in Bonn, and it's proving to be very useful.

KOHA: The "3%" is the only budgetary fund of the Government of Kosova which obliges the

diaspora morally. How much is this obligation fulfilled?

MUSTAFA: In Western countries, we have defined the "3%" as an obligation for all citizens

of the Republic of Kosova. In Kosova, this contribution, compared to the salaries is 5%,

meanwhile other categories have other percentages. Realistically, the quantification of the

realization of the obligation can't be done, because we don't have at our disposal the names

and number of people who are working abroad, of those who receive financial assistance

from Western states and the owners of private enterprises in these states. The reason is that

the organs of these states don't give evidence on Kosova Albanians, while the results of the

census in the diaspora were never systemized, even though those figures would not be

realistic, for following the census, massive emigration took place. Right now, the only data

we have is on those who fulfil their obligations.

KOHA: How much money is sent to Kosova and which activities are financed by the

government?

MUSTAFA: We intervene with our Funds when societal activities need money. The

dominant part are the needs for education. We completely fulfil the expenses of the

President's Cabinet and other statal organs, the travel expenses abroad of a state delegation.

We had certain interventions for certain institutions: the University, media, publishing of text

books, etc.

We have also financed the foundation of Satellite TV, Kosova's editorial board in thisprogram, and even though not planned, we paid the satellite transmission worth 1,8 million

German Marks. We have also financed the foundation of "Dardania Bank" in Albania.

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As of September last, asked by the organs in Kosova and in consultation with the President of

Kosova, we have increased the contribution for education. Since in the action for the

Albanian education we managed to gather a complementary amount of money, as of last year,

we have been sending one million DEM a month, as a supplement for the amount gathered in

Kosova, necessary to pay the teachers' salaries.

KOHA: Are there other funds which collect money on behalf of Kosova and which are not

controlled by your ministry?

MUSTAFA: It is the so called Aachen Fund, LDK's solidarity Fund in Germany. There have

been other cases in which subjects gathered amounts higher than 3%, however we don't know

anything about them, nor do we have any control over them.

KOHA: What is the cooperation of the Government and concretely your ministry with the

political parties in the diaspora?

MUSTAFA: In general, the cooperation in good. There were occasions in which individuals

tried to solve problems their own way, but we are trying to solve the problems at the statal

level and we try to find the solution within this frame.

KOHA: How extensive is the control of the funds and are there any chances for any abuses to

take place?

MUSTAFA: The control of the funds is, first of all, done by the official organs of the states

where the funds are established, for they request proof for the destination of funds, then the

control is done by the banks and finally the organs of the government. However, stressingwithout any arguments that there have been abuses, plundering, etc., have not only dissuaded

the obligators from contributing, but is also jeopardizing our position in front of the states

which have allowed the foundation of the Funds. Having in mind our responsibility and the

nature of the funds, we have tried to destine them only for the purpose they were gathered for.

KOHA: Has your ministry ever ascertained an abuse caused by any subject who received

money from the Fund?

MUSTAFA: There have been cases in which the mediators were late in transferring the

money to Kosova, but we haven't lost any. There is no need to say that the circumstances of

life and work are difficult.

KOHA: People say that you are rational and that your posture is that 70% of the funds

should not be touched and should be saved for urgencies, natural or other disasters which

could happen in Kosova...

MUSTAFA: There is no decisive posture in the Government about this proportion. At one

stage, we could save, however, with the increase of the needs in Kosova, we were forced to

use large portions of the funds for these needs, setting aside the needs you stressed, or any

investments in areas of strategic interest. If all people, inside and outside Kosova, would fulfil

their obligations as they should, I believe that we could keep this proportion and be ready toface the worst, and in the meantime activate the financing system in special circumstances.

KOHA: There are rumors about bad relations between you and Chief of the LDK Diaspora

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Collegium, Gagica, and allegedly the reason is your monopoly over the funds and, as they

say, your refusal to cover the expenses of their activities?

MUSTAFA: There is no monopoly. The Ministry of Economy and Finance is only fulfilling

its Constitutional obligations. The Governmental Funds finances the activities of statalorgans, including activists, who on behalf of these organs develop activities outside Kosova.

We get official information about each official delegation from the organs in Kosova and

cover their expenses. We do that either here, or send the money to Kosova. In regard to my

refusal, it is a matter of the destination of the money at our disposal.

KOHA: Education is the only segment which is directly resisting Serbia. Does the

Government have the capacity to completely fulfil the needs of the educational system, and is

this possible?

MUSTAFA: If we would eliminate the obligations we just mentioned, yes, the Government

would be able to cover all needs. My impression is that education would be financedcompletely from the money collected in Kosova, if all would comply. But, in conditions when

a considerable number of people don't pay in Kosova or abroad, and many others feel no

responsibility about the situation in Kosova, then we have come into a situation when with

the money at our disposal, we must fulfil many other obligations, sometimes even by not

respecting priorities. To collect money, we need the honest support of the organs and cadres

in Kosova, their presence among the people and their explanations about the needs. My

impression is that the organs and subjects in Kosova are more concentrated in asking money

from the Government, rather than fight to fill up the funds. The media is full of information

about different protests and meetings in different metropolises of Europe, but there was not

much space for fund-gathering actions, as was the one for education, when 8 million DEMwere collected last year. I can see thatwe have, too soon, cultivated the budgetary conscience,

we tend to barricade ourselves in offices and ask for money, but we have no tax-collectors nor

execution organs.

KOHA: Have you planned another action for the Albanian education this year?

MUSTAFA: No action has been planned. Even though it is more than necessary, last year it

was not supported in the way it deserved it. This year, instead of an action, we are trying to

mobilize people to have them fulfil their obligations, and in that way not only keep the

Albanian education alive, but also the determination for independence.

REFUGEES

ATTACKED DIGNITY

by YLBER HYSA & ASTRIT SALIHU / Prishtina

What happened last week when the settlement of Krajina refugees in the complex of the

League of Prizren was announced, would maybe not be that strange, if it would be observedfrom the prism of the public analyses which claim that the arrival of refugees is in a way

colonization of Kosova, which will be accompanied by different provocations. But, the

attempt to settle the Serb refugees in a sacred place for Albanians, in the place where the most

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important event of the modern political history of Albanians took place, could the least be

called a serious and direct provocation of the Albanian national dignity. But, besides this, this

provocation is done is a very low and primitive way.

According to Shpresa Sieca, the forcible manager of the Municipal Institute for theProtection of Cultural Monuments, Natasa Sutakovic-Andric, sent her assistant, ethnologist

Dragan Jeftic, on 7 September at 1,30 pm, to tell the employees of the Complex that they

should empty the Museum for the needs of the coming refugees. The Museum of the League

had permanent exhibitions, set on the occasion of the 100 Anniversary of the League (1978),

and they are composed, apart from the exhibits of historic-documentary character, also of

important ethnological exhibitions (national costumes, silver jewellery and other valuable

objects), as well as sculptures and other artistic objects (Abdyl Frashri's bust, by the famous

Albanian sculptor, late Odhise Paskali, etc.). The employees of the Complex really feared that

such a decision would be realized, meanwhile they had five rooms full of exhibits. Four years

ago, the employees were given decisions issued by the forcible municipal organ (oaths of

loyalty towards Serbia), and they didn't sign them. Strangely enough they were not dismissed.However, one of their colleagues, Enver Baftiu, was dismissed forcibly and what is worse, he

was responsible of a machine for stylish refinishing of wood, which was used to model

furniture of ethnological character (worth 10 thousand dollars), and which had been donated

by UNESCO when the museum opened. The people who sacked him, took the machine with

them. All of this was a good reason for fear, especially having in mind that refugees are e very

actual factor in Kosova right now.

It is interesting, in fact, that the request to empty the premises was verbal and it came from

one of the last rings in the chain of the hierarchy that makes decisions. Not even Sutakovic-

Andric is a factor in this sense, nor did she see it necessary to write something official on theeviction. We asked the Director of the Provincial Institute for the Protection of Cultural

Monuments, Mr. Kostic about this, and he immediately replied that he didn't know a thing

about this decision and that it didn't come from his institution. We didn't manage to get hold

of Mrs. Sutakovic-Andric even after several attempts, for she was constantly "in the field".

What we understood indirectly, and according to what she had told her colleague, our

collocutor, was that the museum would not be touched, while the permanent exhibition which

is within the frame of the historical complex of the Prizren League, will be emptied for the

needs of the accommodation of refugees. In fact, she was ordered to act so by the municipal

organs of Prizren! Then it seems that one compulsory municipal management can decide

about such an important monument for one people, which among others makes up 90% of

Kosova's population, and what's worse, the decision can be purely verbal!

This whole thing shouldn't free the Serbian government from the responsibility even if it were

a misunderstanding. If this government would have a feeling of responsibility about an act

which attacks the national honor of another people, then we would at least hear a public

pronunciation which would state that the Serbian government does not stand behind this

initiative.

Thus, only "Vecernje Novosti" published an article some days ago, stating that there was no

order, but it is a decision to fix some things in the building and not settle refugees. Anyhow,

the way to treat an object which symbolizes something so sacred for the whole people (maybeas Gazimestan is for the Serbs, or the monuments of Serb insurrections), speaks of a

provoking and neglecting posture! Now we were told that some repairs are taking place on

the roof of the library which is also part of the complex, and this was the reason why the

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permanent exhibits had to be removed! According to some Prizrenians, last Friday, two buses

with Pancevo registration plates, carrying refugees, stopped at the Complex, remained there

for some time and then left in another direction. This is for the time being all in this regard,

until the roofs are repaired, and then, we'll see.

On the other hand, the Albanian side has reacted loudly against this provocation. Thus,

almost all parties and associations have reacted to it. The Albanian Government reacted with

a harsh accusation about this Serb decision. Asked by KOHA to comment on this event,

Albania's Charge D'Affaires in Belgrade, Besnik Koni, declared: "The decision of the

Serbian authorities to settle refugees in the Historic Complex of the Prizren League deeply

seizes the national conscience of the Albanian people. This act, which surpasses the limits of

a normal imagination, is a blow to our historic and cultural values. In an uncivilized way,

Serbs prove that the settlement of refugees is not a humanitarian problem, but their fate is

used in a most unfortunate way for weird purposes. Thus, they are not refugees, but colonists.

The civilized world must defend its values, meanwhile Serbs must understand that this is the

wrongest way to solve the question of Kosova"!

The last remark of the Albanian Charge, as if speaks of the fact that this is not only an

isolated excess, but a Serbian strategy to provoke constantly and "deal with the solution of

Kosova's issue". Refugees, or Serb colonists are used for this purpose. Thus, during this

week, another incident was evidenced, when a Serb refugee entered the Catholic Church in

Prishtina, and after the mass, started provoking the priest, Dom Nosh Gjolaj, the nuns and the

believers. He was drunk, and constantly, like a robot, repeated that "you expelled us, we will

expel you", not being aware that these people are not Croats but Albanians. "In the name of

God and the people, you must leave this place", he kept on saying and stressed that between

the alternative of demolishing this church and converting it into a orthodox one, he wouldchoose the second, for he had spoken to the orthodox priest in Prizren. "A drunk and

disappointed man in the Catholic Church doesn't represent a danger, but knowing that some

excesses in Kosova were caused by drunken Serbs, as the last one when a drunk policeman

shot at the innocent passers-by, killing one and wounding four, then our fear was evident",

said Dom Noshi.

Both, the case of a drunk Krajina man, who under the pressure of the suffered tragedy, and

that of a verbal decision of a incompetent employee, can be explained by the authorities as

autonomous actions of irresponsible persons. But, this also derives to the conclusion that Serb

refugees settled in Kosova are elements which can cause tensions, provocations and

problems, regardless of whether the Serbian government is or is not behind these incidents!

But, as long as there is a possibility to have these incidents justified with an ambiguity of the

lack of an intention or background, then how to explain the conversion of the "verbal

decision" to empty the spaces of the Historic Complex which is a national symbol of

Albanians into an explanation that "roofs were being repaired"? And all of those who are

emptying the buildings of cultural-historical monuments of other people and are repairing the

roofs, are very conscious that they are playing with the roofs over our heads. In these kinds of

"repairs", in the ex-Yugoslav conflict, over 1 million roofs were "repaired", leaving the

owners shelterless. The game with the roofs in Kosova could be a part of this trend... Of the

people who might become shelterless...

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DOSSIER/EDUCATION

THE DEFENDING LINE OF KOSOVA'S STATEHOOD?! (III)

by HALIM HYSENI & ASTRIT SALIHU

The organization of the education according to that document in a way prevented the

disintegration of the core of the educational system which was created for years. On the other

hand, it also was supposed to prevent the catastrophic consequences which would appear with

the ruin and total non-functioning of the educational system.

The offered alternatives were received well as a human message of the Albanians, who were

ready to establish their parallel educational system without making any obstacles to the

others. Such an organization of the educational system was the only way to prevent the

Albanian education become part of historic archives which would be destroyed by dust and

moist. The process of the defense of the Albanian educational system which started in the1991/92 school year, was not easy. The violence against Albanians continued. Despite this,

meetings of protest and massive demonstrations kept on being organized. In October 1992,

over 800 thousand people participated in protests. There were even victims. Tension and very

serious situation with the possibilities to escalate into a conflict of wider dimensions was

reigning in Kosova. Foreign delegations were very active and their visits became ever more

often, which meant that the internationalization of the issue of education had reached a high

point. Apart from many beaten and mistreated participants of the demonstrations, 16 year old

Sabrije Rrustaj lost an ear, due to the beating she was subjected to by the police.

Aiming at finding a solution for the problem of Albanian education without any politicalprejudgment of the political status of Kosova, the conversations within the ICFY framework

started. These conversations started in a difficult and tense situation. The Albanian delegation

to the Kosova Commission was composed by Fehmi Agani (Vice-Chairman LDK), Ejup

Statovci (Rector of the University) Hivzi Islami (Chairman Peasants Party), Rexhep Osmani

(Chairman - Teachers' Association) and Halim Hyseni (Director - Pedagogical Institute). In

the first and most optimistic meeting, mediator Gert Arens was categorical when stating that a

optimal, practical and pragmatic solution should be found for the problem of education, for

thus a new conflict would be evaded.

The atmosphere of protest and the demonstrations organized in favor of the education in

Albanian was choking the Serbian government. There was a relatively high level ofunderstanding between the Kosova Albanian delegation and that of the so called FRY -

whose main representative was Ivan Ivic, and that of Serbia - headed by Danilo Z. Markovic.

The consensus was reached to as soon as possible, create the conditions for the normalization

of the education in Albanian. But, as time will prove later, even after 13 meetings, the

situation didn't change. It seemed as if everything were done to gain time. In all 13 meetings,

the issue of the normalization, that is the return of Albanians to school premises, became

more and more relative. Serbia was playing tactics. But, on the other, the impression was that

the Albanian side didn't have a clear and defined platform, either. The impression was created

in Kosova, that Albanians should be more determined in requesting the solution of this

problem. However, the political subjects in Kosova evaluated that the situation was tooserious and tense, and didn't allow the organization of new protests in favor of the education.

There is still lack of analyses about these decisions which would make the balance of the

future consequences. It can be easily supposed that one of the consequences of this decision

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and the creation of the adaptable conviction to the conditions education still functions in, is

the interruption of the trend of advance of the Albanian question, and education in particular.

This is one of the consequences, and further there are also phenomena which are a

consequence of the circumstances the education is living in. The youngest lose interest foreducation, and according to the statistical data, there is 19% less interested students to

continue secondary studies, 52% less University students and 17% less children attending

elementary schools. The serious social situation of the teachers conditioned the loss of the

professional teaching staff. Since 1990, 3200 teachers fled Kosova. Further on, the decrease

of criteria and quality of the educational level are a logical consequence of the previous facts.

In 1990, it was definitively clear that Serbia intended to ruin all organs and institutions of

education in Kosova. The initiative was of the Pedagogical Institute of Kosova, and the

municipal institutes in Prishtina and Gjakova, to establish an institution which could fulfil

some strategic tasks and obligations for the education in Kosova. The majority of educational

organs or institutions were suppressed, or they were replaced by organs appointed fromBelgrade. Thus, these institutions, evaluating the tendencies, they prepared the program, the

concept, the statute of the Teachers' Association (TA), the Initiative Council, organized the

constitutive assembly, which elected the Presidency and adopted the necessary documents.

The intention was to have this association to take over provisionally the functions of the

educational institutions, from where Albanian workers had been dismissed. The majority of

these people incorporated themselves in the TA and now it was creating the educational

politics. Until September 1991, the labors of this association was of special importance. It

was assisting Kosova's organs (Educational Council, Pedagogical Institute, and then also the

municipal and inter-regional ones). In order to make it's functioning easier, it registered at the

Federal Government as a Association. As a registered association, it started collectingassistance and offer financial assistance to the needy teachers. It was making efficient

propaganda to defend Albanian education. All these things were done by TA until the first

semester of 1992.

Today, we couldn't say that this association really exists. It has gone through many statutory

violations of its members, and in particular, of its chairman. This association has no

Presidency nor Assembly, everything has been ruined. The paradox is that this association

still receives large contributions in cash, and in the name of "national purity", new "ideo-

political" differentiations is initiated by it, it usurps the authority of the Ministry of Education

or the Text-Book Publisher. Within the framework of this association with only it's Chairman,

the pedagogical documentation, additional studies cards are published, "the creation " of theeducational policy takes place, the legislature is reduced to decisions and acts below the force

of law and statutes. Despite the activities which have lead towards the disorganization of the

educational system, it nevertheless seems that this association, or rather its chairman, have

still the strong support of some political subjects, parties and state organs.

This means that Albanian education in Kosova, and the situation which it is facing is not only

a direct consequence of the Serbian purposes to ruin it, but also of our failures in organization

and the lack of its real institutionalization.

The analyses, even those superficial, without any doubt show that Albanian education inconditions of a relative calm, of a modus vivendi, of a period without armed conflicts, can't

be blocked in any way by Serbia for many reasons. First, Albanian education is known to the

international factor, and because of this fact, and Serbia's difficult international situation, it

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will not undertake police and army actions to fully close-down the Albanian educational

system. Albanians make up two million people, and Serbia is still not ready to risk and have

to face directly such a problem. On the other hand, it would be hard to realize this purpose,

because we are referring to over 350 thousand Albanian children and youth (5.600 pre-school

children, 273.328 elementary school pupils, 57.068 high school students, 11 thousandUniversity students). Serbia needs a huge economic, political and police force to fully

supervise this process.

Nevertheless, and silently, Serbia is achieving the Serbianization of Kosova. It has changed

the names of localities, institutions, streets and schools, while Albanian has become a familial

language. Exodus is getting apocalyptic dimensions. Since 1991, seemingly, 500 thousand

people fled Kosova, mainly youths (school-age and University students). This emigration,

which is unjustly qualified as quiet, has the characteristics of a massive violent ethnic

cleansing. Massively, it is one of the largest ethnic cleansing Albanians underwent, for it is

known that from 1952 to 1966, 412 thousand Albanians fled to Turkey. Meanwhile in

Kosova, the affairs of the changes of directors or eventual political projects for theconstruction of Prizren-Lezh highway, are still actual!!!

What is happening on the political level, is clearly reflected in education, too. The bad

organization, the lack of a long-term strategy, many political improvisations have started

penetrating in education.

Nevertheless, Albanian education still represents a column of statehood. The present

functioning of Albanian education in Kosova is not favorable to prove the its statehood and

efficiency. It is very rare to find a place where the state is represented by school alone. But, on

the other hand, if our state is sustained by our schools, then all the elements prove that theyare standing on glassy support. The activities in education must be followed by basic state

activities. Kosova is still lacking the vitalization of statehood and the creation of other

parallel organs in other spheres of life. The non-constitution of the Parliament of Kosova, the

suppression of the old one, has not only caused serious consequences to the political life in

Kosova, the Albanian question, but is also greatly reflected in education. The non-

constitution of the Parliament has affected education as follows:

1) intrusion in competencies;

2) ruin of statal organs;

3) the degradation of the Constitution and laws into lower acts, which directly affects the

statehood of education, and

4) created the possibilities for harmful individual improvisations.

The analyses of the intrusion in competencies is so extensive and interesting that it needs

more space and time, therefore we are in no position to define and clarify it. Its main source is

the non-institutionalization of life in Kosova. We will not analyze the reasons why the

Parliament has not been constituted. But, it would be the legislative organ, and the organ of

control, which would avoid many problems. Suddenly we had many minister's posts andministers. In public, the minister of education is Muhamet Bicaj, however, his shadow

minister, "appointed" by someone, was Rexhep Osmani. Therefore, we had two concepts and

two ministers. We also have a counsellor to the President. Now, Albanian education has three

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ministers and three concepts. Apart from these ministers, Kosova had another "ministry"

whose members were Rexhep Osmani (TA - "shadow minister"), Halim Hyseni (Pedagogical

Institute), Agim Hyseni (Independent Trade Unions - Education, Science, Culture), Bajram

Shatri (central Financing Council), Munish Hyseni (TA - Vice-Chairman), Zijadin Gashi

(Prishtina's Secretary of Education) and Fetah Bylykbashi (Pedagogical Institute - Prishtina).

Until the beginning of 1994, this group coordinated the labors regarding education, and the

meetings were lead by R. Osmani. The disagreements which arose in this ministerial board,

incited the creation of Parliamentarian groups and the transfer of competencies on them. The

creation of the parliamentarian group on education didn't give the expected results. Albanian

education created a parallel alternative juridical system which suppresses the statal organs,

the pedagogical institutes having them merge with the educational council, according to

Serbia's model from 1920 (!), without any clearly defined criteria. Even, totally against the

criteria in force, the chairmen of the municipal councils are appointed. Now, the

parliamentarian group has two roles: the legislative and the executive ones. The Rules and

Regulations, as under-legal acts are not discussed in public. For months, they are guarded as"state" top secret documents. No one knows when were they adopted, who adopted them,

when do they enter in force. They have no transitional provisions. They do not suppress the

laws (which is logical, for laws can be suppressed only by laws). The adoption of regulations

in the middle of the school year is another non-sense, because it is an undisputable right of a

student to end a school year according to the law the student started the year with. Schools are

asked to apply these Regulations without knowing their contents and in a selective way. This

was done on purpose, to eliminate the principals, the consequences of which are evident,

everywhere but Prizren.

Aiming at the ruin of the statehood of Kosova, in December 1994, a Regulation documentwas adopted by Minister Bicaj. It regarded the organization of municipal councils. It is said

that this documents enters in force immediately. at the beginning of this schools year, the

chairman of the municipal council of Prishtina, without suppressing the Pedagogical Institute

of this municipality, without removing the official director, convened the meeting of

counsellors of the Institute. Now, this Institute has split in two: the Council had 6 counsellors

(one of them is retired) and in the institute there are 7 counsellors.

The statehood of the Albanian education is hardly hit by the huge discrepancy between the

superior and pre-superior education. The University is applying laws, pre-superior studies

apply Rules and Regulations elaborated by non-professionals and incompetent persons and as

such, they should not be applied. This is a new division. In contemporary systems, thereformation can't be done by three people (a chemist, a historian and a linguist). In modern

world, the reformation of the education system is done by a commission of the wisest persons

of a people, and apart from this central commission, there should be groups of experts

according to educational levels and subjects. None of the educational systems can be

reformed if the one that preceded it is not reformed too. What is happening with the system in

Kosova now isReformatio in Peius, a retrograde change, which directly attacks Kosova's

statehood and education's independence.

This is a basic disrespect of the laws and adopted regulations is proven in a simple example

from the beginning of this school year. By rule, it should start on September 1, and this is adecision that can't be changed by anyone. Nevertheless, it was changed, and the school year

started on 4 September. And it was a decision, not a law nor regulation.

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These are acts which are harming the life and work of the Albanian education. The number of

students on all levels is decreasing; the quality is also decreasing, rapidly; many schools are

about to close-down because of the lack of interests; Albanians have started asking for

documents with the memorandum of the former Autonomous Province of Kosova; students

of medicine, even though they graduated are being tested professionally in the SerbianFaculty of Medicine of Prishtina; many schools have a problem with the appointment of new

directors; the strategy of learning in house-schools is overcome, and no one works in the

direction of creating a strategy to take back the children to their school premises; the fall of

Kosova's statehood is rushing down. And, on the other hand, education is supposed to be the

defending line of Kosova's statehood?!

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APPENDIX

J A V O R E / Albanian weekly

P.O. BOX 202

38000 PRISHTINA

Issued by the KOHA Editorial Board

English Edition: KOHA

Contact Person: Filloreta Bytyqi

Phone & Fax: +381 38 31 031

+381 38 31 036

Modem: +381 38 31 276

E-Mail: koha_pr@zana-pr.ztn.zer.de