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The weekly Koha (The Times) was published in Prishtina (Kosovo) between 1994 and 1997. Edited by VetonSurroi, a young Kosovar jou rnalist and one of the pioneers of democratisation in former Yugoslavia, Ko hasoon becam e a symbol of quality among the region's media. In 1997 it started to be pub lished daily under thename of Ko ha Ditor. With the kind perm ission of Mr. Surroi, Koha digests were originally posted onhttp://koha.estudiosbalcanicos.org.

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Koha Digest # 49

EDITORIAL

KOSOVA DOESN'T TRUST LETTERS

by VETON SURROI

A fortnight passed and I still wait, in daily meetings, the media, for someone to make thenews coming from the 51-rst Session of the UN Commission on Human Rights, bigger. In

paragraph three of the Resolution on the Former Yugoslavia, the "respect of the will of theinhabitants of Kosova, allowing its expression with democratic means, as the best way to stopthe escalation of the conflict there", is urged.

What is new? Nothing more nor less than an evolution inside the most important humanrights organism in the world, an evolution which has reached the point in which Kosovans areacknowledged the right to self-determination, as a way to protect their human rights.

The ones familiarized with the work in the UN commissions and sub-commissions, knowhow hard is the elaboration of any of the paragraphs of the resolutions. They know about the

bargaining that takes place in respect to any word and sentence. And finally, they know thatbehind every sentence stands the ministry of foreign affairs of any of the member states. Inorder to have reached such a wording on Kosova, I am convinced that a long diplomatic

struggle was necessary, and as it happens often, a favorable political conjuncture (when manymember states which would block the work have eased up the bargaining a bit in the issuesthey are interested in).

Anyhow, there is a juridical precedence in the international documents regarding Kosova,which if continues further on towards the other levels of the UN, could become one of the

postulates for the solution of the crisis in the Former Yugoslavia.

Nevertheless, this issue is experiencing the same thing any other document or event does(starting from party congresses and up to the symposiums of the NGOs). It is "greeted" withthe usual courtesy by the Kosovan political factor and with the indifferent reaction of the

Kosova public opinion.

Why is it so? I believe that when excluding lack of information, we face interesting trendsinside the Albanian society of Kosova. For example, the public opinion has become numb tothe non differentiated information it receives. For years it is said that every part of the worldis discussing about Kosova and that Kosova receives support from all sides of the world. Ithas become the same: whether Kosova is supported by a Dutch village or by the foreignministry of a Security Council member state. What's more, it doesn't trust the village nor theministry. The public has seen too much Bosnia and Croatia on TV, and has listened to just too

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many words which were to prevent war, to have it now believe in new words which promisethey will stop the permanent Serb aggression against Kosova. If the number of magazines and

journals read in Kosova and the conversations which one can have non selectively are takenas indicators, then the ordinary Kosovan doesn't trust anything but - faith. The faith that it will

be all right, "there is no alternative".

Someone might take these as the final signs of a collective disappointment. Maybe they are. I,nevertheless, take them as indicators, among others, of a new phase of Kosovan collectivethought: the doubt. After the initial euphoria, fully believing in the Albanian democraticmovement, the phase of suspicion on what is read and written is developing. Howeverdangerous this phase might seem, it is nevertheless an expression of an evolution in the

political culture, going towards the creation of responsibility of the leader(s) towards thecitizen.

The only alarming thing is that after the constant cry for the wolf, not even the face to face

presentation of the known carnivores will be convincing.

KOSOVA

KOSOVAN PYRAMID

by B. HAXHIU / Prishtina

The five years' political term in Kosova is accompanied by many events, which appear,become public and for some time remain on the top lists of the media and that is it: it comesout that none of these events disappears, but they remain actual until we find the key to solvethem. The routine of silencing the problems is followed by the immunization towards thesituation in Kosova which forces one to ask: how can the people be depoliticized, along withall the existing problems in Kosova. Depoliticizing the people, promising maximalist rhetoricsolutions is an old formula, because calm and lack of responsibility creates the commodityand bureaucratization of the political leadership. And all of this is done in the name of thecollective fate of the Albanian people. This new experience of politics, without a will or hopeto change anything, have forced the difficult situation we have been living in the past years, tocover one another and thus create the pivot of a problem called Kosova.

They started with repression, and we didn't even try to find a protecting alternative againstthis unbearable evil. And, the contrary happened, not even attempting to find a solution gaveits counter-effect - the collective immunization towards the situation. And thus, the problemcontinues silently.

The hopes for changes revived with the free elections and the promises that the parliamentwill be constituted. This event covered the first one, leaving it unsolved, because the priority

belonged to the second issue. The constitution of the Government was the new event whichsuffocated the two previous ones because there was hope that the third event will finally be

successful and that there will be no need for any engagement in regard to the first two,because it was said that the constitution of the Government would solve all the problems.Gone with the wind. The problem of Albanian education was the main topic for a long time

because of the many conversations held about it. The issue remains still undefined.

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In the list of the many mentioned events, without mentioning a list of "small" failures, therewere some which appeared and left a scar or two on the media, by creating and constructingconflicts between parties and individuals which had become pretty grotesque, aiming atconcealing the other failures, the importance of which is, and will be fatal.

Finally, so much was spoken about colonization, there were so many articles, speeches andnothing happened at the end. One event covers the other one, and the problems have createda pyramid of problems and every single one of them needs an urgent solution.

But, covering all these problems and hoping for a solution, we are making fun of ourselves,we are making fun of all those who participated in the free elections and voted for theindependence of Kosova. This is why ignoring the institute of voting and the disrespect of theobligation and responsibility towards the electors resembles Gasset's "Joking With the BlindPublic".

KOSOVA

THE VISIT OF THE PREMIER

by DAN SEJDIU / Ljubljana

Several days ago, Dezela was the meeting point of Premier Bukoshi and our conationalsworking and living in Croatia and Slovenia. The meeting was announced pompously, and as a

consequence, there were many people gathered from all parts of these two states.

This was a good occasion for our conationals to get first hand information from the Premier,as the most competent person, about the recent situation in regard to Kosova. The meeting

proved that we didn't still get rid of the protocol formalities, even in the case of simplemeetings as was this one in Ljubljana, when any presentation of this or that person wasaccompanied by frantic applause, as in the best times of the "Proletariat dictatorship".Bukoshi spoke broadly about the situation in Kosova and the activities of his government,stressing that lately the international community has marginalized fully the issue of Kosova.Unfortunately, he said, the Serbian aggressor is being rewarded by the internationalcommunity for all the crimes it as perpetrated in Kosova, while the Albanian political factor

in the Former Yugoslavia is ignored. Bukoshi also denied rumors on the allegeddisorganization of the Kosovan policy.

Premier Bukoshi replied diplomatically to the questions linked to the patience of theAlbanians and how long will it last. In a long elaboration, he stated that Albanians should notsee themselves involved in conflicts, because this is being expected by others (alluding onSerbia), which can be misused later. During the whole meeting, Bukoshi was happy not to beasked any, as he called them, "dangerous questions" (not counting on the reaction of one ofthe participants, who asked Bukoshi and his cabinet to take off their ties and stop visitingdifferent buildings in Europe, and instead try to be serious about the issue of Kosova, because

people are running out of patience).

After this meeting, our conationals, separated in two groups. In one group were the onessatisfied with the fact that Bukoshi was among them and, in sign of honor, they sought to be

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photographed with him, as it was once a tradition twenty years ago on the Bayram Feast. Theother group, on the other hand, left the room before the meeting was over, thus trying toexpress their dissatisfaction with Bukoshi.

KOSOVA

WAITING FOR USIA

by YLBER HYSA / Prishtin

Since the first visits of the American officials, in the times of the revelation of the crisis inKosova, at the beginning of the nineties, the promise about the possibilities of having a USInformation Agency office opened in Prishtina made Kosova Albanians happy. It was a proof

for them that the Americans will follow on the situation closely and that this would representa direct presence in their capital, Prishtina, hoping to get closer to the only Great Power, intimes when they were subjected to daily repression threatening to expand the conflict. Andthese promises came with the first visits of Tom Lantos, Bob Dole and the others. On theother hand, the Albanian leaders visiting USA had repeated such a request and it seems thatthey even got promises.

It was evident that USIA in Prishtina was not an easy task to achieve, there even financialmatters concerned, and even more, Serbia was absolutely not interested to have theAmericans in Prishtina. This got more complicated with the deterioration of the crises in the

Former Yugoslavia, and even more when the sanctions against Serbia/Montenegro wereintroduced, when Serbia started applying the "policy of reciprocity", thus expelling even theCSCE monitoring mission and starting to apply the visas for aliens and thus makingcirculation in Kosova even more difficult.

What happened, happened, but the Office has not been opened yet, and some time ago, theattempt of the OSCE officials to bring back the monitoring missions to Kosova failed. Thisissue was reactivated recently within the American circles. Richard Holbrooke, AdjointSecretary of State, delivering a statement before the Foreign Affairs Committee on issuesabout the Former Yugoslavia, when asked whether USIA will open an office in Kosova,replied: "I am fascinated with your suggestion", and added that this issue should be discussed,

but also said that "currently USIA is under fantastic pressure to close-down all kinds ofcenters" - as the Daily Bulletin of the American Embassy in Belgrade informs.

It seems that the hanging five years' old hope of the Kosovans to see the American flag flyingin Prishtina are stuck between the "suggestion that fascinates" Holbrooke and the "fantastic

pressure" to close-down the USIA centers all over the world.

The contacts of the foreigners with Kosova can be still realized in visits and other links, but itseems that the direct presence of the international organizations and states in Kosova impliesanother political dimension, which the forces and respective organizations are not wanting.

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ASYLUM-SEEKERS

HOW MUCH DOES AN ALBANIAN ASYLUM-SEEKER COST?

by ARBR VLLAHIU / Munich

The announcement on the repatriation of asylum-seekers, published recently in Der Spiegel,is seemingly becoming true, even though many are not still willing to believe that Germanywill make concessions, in fact, invest in the repatriation of Albanians from Kosova.

Nevertheless, Bonn is expected to repatriate 40 thousand refugees, regardless of their nationalappertaining.

Previously, Germany had expelled a large number of refugees from Vietnam as well as Croatsfrom Croatia, while the Bosnian refugees have their status unsolved yet. The situation ofAlbanian asylum-seekers in this state differs from the others. The majority of them have still

not solved their residence status and the largest part of them is illegally employed.

Spiegel's article, which was commented in different ways, with comments even stating that ithadn't been translated well, caused interest and fear among the asylum-seekers in Germany. Infact, almost 100 thousand asylum-seekers will have to be deported home soon.

In a conversation with Rudolf Brettmeister, Head of the Aliens' Office in Munich, we weretold that there are around 20 thousand Albanian asylum seekers in the area, and that they arenot involved in criminal activities nor in drug trafficking, as it is pretended.

In the meantime, it is expected that after an agreement between Belgrade and Bonn isreached, the largest part of asylum-seekers will be taken back home, to the FormerYugoslavia. It is strange, but is likely to believe that Germany is willing to give money for thereturn of Albanian asylum seekers (rumors mention millions of German Marks), whichaccording to the forecasts of the German officials, would be used for their settlement inKosova.

Rudolf Brettmeister stresses that in a very short period of time, an agreement with Belgradecan be reached, but he still believes, that something must be paid on Belgrade's account forthe return of Albanian asylum-seekers. He stressed that he hoped that nothing would be paid,

but that it is certain that the contract must be signed by the end of this month. "Both the

Vietnamese and Croats misused our money when we repatriated their asylum-seekers. I hopethe same thing will not happen in the case of the Albanians", said Brettmeister and added that"Bayern region has attempted several times to return the asylum-seekers, the last time throughBelgrade Airport, but failed to do so. Once we tried to repatriate 6 Albanians but they werereturned back. We are waiting... However, Albanians will not be on the "priority" list, theywill be kept for some more time without the possibility of regulating the permanent statushere, but with a kind of a residence permit, which must be renewed every two months" - saysBrettmeister.

According to the data provided by the Alien's Office of the Bayern Region, there are 20

Albanians in prison in Munich, who were given negative replies and which will deported assoon as the contract between Belgrade and Bonn is signed.

On March 6, German and Serb officials met in Belgrade, and from the official statements, it

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comes out that the agreement has not been reached yet. The truth is that Serbia has asked formoney, and the hope remains that Germany will not pay Serbia for Albanian asylum-seekers,and if it does, then the payment should go directly to Kosova.

Will the Albanians remain short gain, awaits to be seen.

RACKETEERING

PEOPLE FROM BELGRADE ALSO INTERESTED

Bajram Krasniqi, Attorney at law from Prishtina, helped us to even deeper elaborate the issueof racketeering. According to him, this form of mediation, or sorting out different debts byforce, is becoming actual in Kosova, but not in the forms and dimensions present in the

Former Yugoslavia.

"Albanians have it hard to organize for racketeering, excluding people who are close toSerbian government. The law allows the creation of insurance and intermediation companies.Looked upon from the theoretical aspect, we could say that there are no problems, but in

practice, whoever gets involved in this business must become a kind of a private detective.This means that they should carry weapons, they must have the respective permits, and it iswell known who issues them. And in its institutional activities, that person must cooperatewith the authorities. This is why it only remains on paper. Agencies from Belgrade wereinterested to open their offices in Kosova, as well, but they retreated the very last moment,

probably convinced that they would hardly succeed because of the population andbusinessmen structure. While drafting normative acts of private enterprises, I have mentionedintermediation as part of their activities, but, as far as I am informed, none of them deals withthis activity", says Krasniqi.

KOHA: During your career, have you defended any case where racketeering was involved?

KRASNIQI: I could mention two or three cases, which did not even get to a juridical form,for the parties did not meet in the court. Parties usually have problems about payments anddeadlines. I had a case when an individual sought for protection from racketeering authorities.In his case, authorities asked him to pay them money, so the charges for illegal possession of

weapons would be dropped. The fact is that he did not possess a weapon. The moment formalletters started being sent, the officials gave up on persecution, which makes this the onlyregistered case so far.

KOHA: There are rumors that your colleagues are certifying contracts which are verydoubtful. How could an attorney be of help in a case of "racketeering"?

KRASNIQI: In no way. It is not even preferable to see ourselves involved in such cases. Theattorney could but his stamp on a contract, which is only a note, or a pre-contract, but itrepresents no guarantee that the contract will be respected. It can't help any procedure to start,

since it is very disputable, from the first moment. Thus, the attorney could put himself indanger. But, there are also attorneys who don't care, and are even involved in "racketeering",allegedly in the name of defense, liberation from persecution, or any other job done incooperation with the police.

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KOHA: Is there any way to prevent racketeering? Or at least, to stop it before it gets hugedimensions?

KRASNIQI: Since there is no real government, the one acknowledged by the Albanian

population, then it is hard to undertake anything else. The only way of acting is contactingpeople, trying to sort out problems by talking, and agreeing upon the solutions. That is all.

KOHA: What about revealing the names of the ones involved in racketeering?

KRASNIQI: It is very hard, because they almost never identify themselves.

RACKETEERING

CALL THE "GODFATHER"

by IBRAHIM REXHEPI / Prishtina

Is there racketeering in Kosova, which are the forms of its manifestation and who are theracketeers? "KOHA" tried to explore this issue and, linking one case to the other, one story toanother, came to the conclusion that racketeering has also started in Kosova, although it is notmanifested in the harshest forms as in Belgrade, for example. These are three authenticstories.

MORTGAGE ON THE FLAT

Case one: I had a lot of money and capital. Business was going just fine, therefore I had noproblems making a new deal. But, the situation changed. I failed once and I put at stake notonly my enterprise but all my assets. And both I and my family were being threatened. Theywere asking me to pay them back I had taken a "loan" at 10% interest per month. I would tellthem that I will pay them back, with interests, regardless how many months will pass. But, asit seems, they wouldn't trust me, and they started coming home looking for me, they would bewatching my flat and often scare my children. One day they caught me and took me by car totheir office, in Prishtina. The first thing they mentioned was my debt. "We won't wait any

more!" They threatened me that they wouldn't allow me to go back home. After a discussion,we finally agreed that I would use my flat as warrant. They agreed, we put together an act,had it sealed by an attorney (!) and this was it. I must pay the money I don't have, as soon as

possible. On the contrary, I will lose my furnished apartment, for small money. It is worth atleast twice more than I owe. But a rule is a rule and it should be respected, otherwise the othermethods of "elaboration" will be applied.

THREAT TO THE DAUGHTER

Case two: I was told to present my case to "The Godfather". Don't ask me the name oraddress. I found him and told him that one of my debtors, even after some months, hadn't paidhis debt. He advised me to go and talk to him again, ask him to fulfil his obligation, so nocomplications would arise. I listened to him. The guy never denied the sum he owed me, but

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he constantly complained that he had no money, that he had invested all he had in a deal andthat he was expecting some profit. I went again to see "The Godfather". He wrote down hisname and told me to wait at home, do nothing, since from now on this had become his

problem. He didn't ask me for any money, and I was surprised. Two days later, "The

Godfather" came together with my debtor. He asked us about the amount, and we both agreedabout the 10 thousand DEM he owed me. Then he counted ten 1000 DEM banknotes in cash,and gave them to me. As he was leaving, he told me that I got the money back, and that fromnow on, it was his problem.

I was curious to know what happened next. I heard that he got the money back one week later- at a 10% interest rate. "The Godfather" had given him a new deadline - one more week. OnFriday he announced to the debtor that the deadline was expiring on Sunday. He was told thatif he doesn't bring the money to a certain place, he'd better not let his daughter go to school onMonday, for she will never come back home. He was told that they knew that he had threechildren, and that she was attending a parallel high school, and that it would be better if he

doesn't cause anyone any problems. This was the end of the conversation. As far as I know,the problem was solved on Sunday evening, when "The Godfather" was paid 11 thousandDEM in cash.

THE CAR AS INTEREST

Case three: There were cases when I paid strange interest rates for small loans. It doesn'tmatter, I would tell myself, conscious that I was to blame for choosing the wrong people to do

business with. But, what happened to me several months ago, almost a year now, really upset

me and made me think whether I should continue doing business or not. For many months Iwas not at home. My firm still existed, but didn't have much work to do. I owed my friend, Ithought he was the best one I had, two thousand DEM. The day I left, he had gone home andtold my wife that I owed him money. Knowing that he was my best friend, she had told himto wait a bit, that I would be coming back and pay him. But he couldn't wait, and what'sworse, he was requesting me to pay an interest which was twice as big as the debt. My wifedidn't have the money to pay them both. Anyways, we never agreed upon any kind of interest.However, he was not satisfied with the reply, so he took my car, a relatively new one andwhich was worth at least ten times the amount I owed him. When I came back, my wife toldwhat had happened. I was stunned, knowing that my best friend had played it bad on me. Icalled and went to see him. I asked why had he done it. He told me that he wasn't sure that I

would be coming back and that he had taken my car to make sure that the debt will be paid, asany other would do. I got my car back as soon as I paid him. Then I noticed that he had beenusing it a lot and had damaged it. I had to pay another 1 thousand DEM to repair it. Thus he

broke the "fair-play" rules, for the car is not be used before its owner says so. Or, if anapartment is taken, it can't be settled before the owner says so. And now, I will have to solvemy pending problem. If needed, I will engage racketeers to accomplish "my right".

Taking into account the racketeering methods applied, the mentioned cases are not thatalarming. The least, we could say that Kosova is quiet when it comes to the use of force insolving deals. However, all of these could be taken as initial elements of this activity, which ,

if not put under control, will come to get enormous dimensions. This is implied especiallywhen it is known that the real government of the Albanians does not exist, while the Serbiangovernment is not worrying much about these business methods, and even it remains behindthe individuals who racketeer in the majority of the cases.

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A responsible person of a very important Albanian institution, who didn't want his namementioned, "so people wouldn't think that I too am involved in this business", says that theAlbanian business could be seriously endangered by racketeering. First, the relations betweengiving and taking money are developed wildly, the contracting parties do not respect the

contracts and they have to engage a third person to solve their problems. This can't be donewithout the racketeers who are now becoming busy in Kosova. Something similar could passin the past when loans with huge interests were granted, and when the debtor wouldn't respectthe conditions, but even here, there was no application of violence.

Previously it was said that this job was done by people close to the installed government inKosova. It was said that Arkan was standing behind them and that people in the "field" wereAlbanians. But, their identification is hard, because there are a few cases reported to theorgans, mainly fearing of possible consequences. All knew, even the police, about the seriesof car thefts all over Kosova and their gathering in Mitrovica. The owner could not get backthe car without paying a racket. This almost became legal, until the limit set by the Serb

authorities was surpassed. Now, knowing some other cases which could serve for furtherelaboration, it could be said that the Serbian racketeers are "losing terrain", because it isobvious that more Albanians are involved in it, which is normal, knowing that the majority ofthe parties in dispute are Albanians. We must hope that this problem will not be advanced upto the perfectly organized network, because in the anarchy we are living in Kosova, theconsequences would be much more serious, and could often end with killings, violence,abduction of children and even intimidation of relatives. This would be done in front of theSerbian authorities, which would be the best protection racketeers could get.

The Serbian media, in times when it wanted to talk about the war against criminality in

Kosova, unrevealed serious racketeers. It published names, as was the case of Jakup Hoti,accused of racketeering, or loaning money at very hight interest rates. Nevertheless, the wholething remained at the level of an article, because this affair has not ended yet. In the sameway, there was a scandal in the municipality of Istog, when one father accused his son forcollaboration with the local police, ie. that he was taking money from Albanians on behalf ofthe policemen. The old man was forced to pay his son's debts, who was working as told andthus paid the bosses, who were asking money to "fix" passports, weapon's permits, etc... Thisis the most concrete case which describes the cooperation of Albanians with the Serbian

police, which, grounded to the complaints regarding weapons, passports or any other job,always asks for money. A businessman from Prishtina told us that he is not being asked to

pay any racket, and that he hadn't any problems to get the debts back. However, he says that

he has his own people in the Financial Police who solve all his problems. He pays a certainamount of DEM, and everything is clean. He doesn't consider this to be a racket, but a normalcooperation, for the "good must be paid for".

Or another story: Is it corruption or racketeering when one cooperates with people thatguarantee you safety, in other words, when you pay to have the goods without "papers" gothrough any roads without any problems, starting from the customs and until it is unloaded atthe warehouse. "To bring in a truck of goods to Prishtina, I must pay at least 5 thousand DEMfor `insurance'" But, if these are goods included in the list of the banned afticles, then thecustom officers on both sides are paid. Also, money should be given to international

observers, while the one who is not involved in the game, is usually taken to the cafe themoment the truck is crossing the border. There, he is given a woman and that's it. So, in orderfor us not have any problems with the police on the way to Prishtina, we pay a man toaccompany us. He takes the money, we are doing business.

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Maybe there are doubts on whether this is racketeering or not, but in essence, everything isclear. Some might thing that everything ends in a fraternal way, however any payment of thiskind is racket. In Kosova maybe it is not understood in this way, because there are still norecords on cases when owners are approached by individuals asking for racket, offering

personal security and wellbeing in exchange. Otherwise, the problem would be solved with ahand grenade. This phenomenon is present in Serbia, but so far, Albanian racketeers do notapply this method. Maybe, for the time being, there is no need, since all things are solved by"peaceful methods", which have reached only threats so far.

MACEDONIA

THE NARROW DOOR OF THE PARLIAMENT

by IBRAHIM MEHMETI / Shkup

On March 15, three days before the detention term expired, the Municipal Court in Tetova, asproposed by the Investigating Judge, extended the preventive detention for another thirty daysof Fadil Sulejmani, Rector of the University of Tetova, Milaim Fejziu, Chairman of theForum for Human Rights and Qemal Shabani. The information about this matter holds noexplanations about the reasons why it was extended, but as far as it could be ascertained fromwhat was going on in the past days, the authorities have a problem constructing theaccusation against the detainees. According to some unofficial statements in circulation, theonly argument which could be taken against them are their public statements, as in the case of

the "first accused", Fadil Sulejmani, who is accused of `call for resistance' for having said thatif the Macedonian police attacks the University "two hundred thousand Albanians will standand defend it". The other detainees are accused on the same grounds. The fourth accused inthis case, Arbn Rusi, Chairman of El-Hilal, was released on a 50 thousand DEM bail. Sowas the case of Musli Halimi, while Nevzat Halili still remains in prison.

On the other hand, the effects of the arrest of the pro-University activists are felt almost in allsegments of political life in Macedonia. Thus, the parliamentarian group of PPD - Xhaferi'sfraction, considered that the arrest of the activists is a reason enough for their group to abstainfrom the works of the Parliament. Even though it is not being decisively said, the mentionedfact was also one of the reasons for the suspension of the sessions of the parliament caused by

other Albanian parliamentarian groups. The People's Democratic Party, represented with fourMPs in the Parliament decided to withdraw its representatives, until the problems in superioreducation and the equality of languages are not solved. Such is the posture of the largestAlbanian party, PPD (Aliti's group), which nonetheless, continued participating in theParliament. This step was followed by Hysen Ramadani, one of the most experiencedAlbanian politicians in Macedonia.

The port-parole of the PPD group in the parliament, Ismet Ramadani, explained thecomeback of his parliamentarian group as an expression of the feeling of responsibility of theAlbanian MPs for its long-term mission on the political scene in Macedonia. He also said that

his party would do all it can to affirm the institutional solutions of the problems, whichincluded the parliament. This explanation was also completed by some messages addressed tothe Macedonian colleagues, partners of the governmental coalition. Among others, he saidthat the Macedonian MPs should be careful, especially when issues regarding superior

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education, the use of language and scripts and well as the media, are being proposed or voted.Finally, and aiming at surpassing the tense situation in the country, the PPD coordinator at theParliament said that his group was going back to the parliament feeling that this was the lastmoment for understanding to appear in the Parliament, and that otherwise the PPD MPs

wouldn't be there. In that case, there would be another political alternative, said in otherwords, leaving the parliament for good, as Aliti announced when interviewed by KOHA.

Hysen Ramadani also explained the reasons for his comeback as an independent MP. He saidthat the postures of all Albanian MPs haven't changed at all in regard to their requests, despitethe way they are expressed. On this occasion he expressed his conviction that the parliamentis the best place to do this.

Will the promises, given to the Albanian MPs before coming back to the Parliament, befulfilled by the government or not, it is till unknown, and not much can be concluded fromthe statements of the Macedonian officials. Nevertheless, unofficially we found out that the

new Rules and Regulations of the Parliament will include the use of the languages of thenationalities, as well. This was a right which existed in the previous Rules and Regulations,

but was a fact which was trying to be concealed.

INTERVIEW

GAZMEND PULA, Chairman of the Kosova Helsinki Committee

RECOMPOSED "AUTONOMY"

Interviewed by YLBER HYSA / Prishtina

KOHA: You just came back from Great Britain, where you had several interesting meetings,and which you partially announced in the media. What kind of a visit was it?

PULA: I was invited by the British Government, i.e. Ministry of Foreign Affairs, within theirregular contacts with people from abroad. The programme of the four days' visit was prepared

beforehand and it was very intensive.

On the first day, I met with Douglas Hogg, British Secretary of State and his assistants, thenwith Adjoint Minister Richardson and Shaun Riordan, Head of the Eastern-Adriatic Sector,directly in charge of the Albanian question. I also met British MPs. Following the

programme, we visited "BBC" and "The Independent" among others, as well as AmnestyInternational, Westminster Foundation for Democracy, Oxfam, Charter 88, British HelsinkiCommittee, Oxford University, etc. It was a visit which covered many of the relevant Britishstructures.

KOHA: Could you resume the conversation with Hogg?

PULA: It was an open and long conversation in which we exchanged opinions about thesituation and Kosova. What impressed me positively, and I already had this impression, wasthat Hogg and his cabinet were very well informed about the situation and that hey werefollowing it closely, despite the dangerous events taking place in Bosnia and Croatia, which

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means that there soon might be meetings between British high ranked officials and Kosovanrepresentatives. It is also important to stress that they have a quite clear posture on theconcept of the solution of Kosova's problem, which I must admit, has not changed much fromHogg's last visit to Kosova, which was clearly and explicitly communicated to our public by

Hogg himself.

That concept is grounded on two basic and universal principles, even though contradictory ina way, insistently keep being applied, even as in cases when war and destruction take place asin Croatia and Bosnia. These principles is not recognizing the change of the borders by force,

but, at the same time, it is supporting the articulated political will of the correspondingsubjects, in our case of the Albanians; grounded on them, the British posture is formulated asa support to re-establish political autonomy in Kosova, which was suspended by force.Therefore it is a maximal political autonomy which doesn't mean independence. Our publichas also been informed that this concept is also supported by USA and Germany.

My personal opinion is that this refers to a characteristic autonomy all federal units used tohave in the former Yugoslavia, as Kosova did, or as Montenegro has in the rump Yugoslavia.In a way, it refers to a "recomposed Yugoslav federation" compose of three units, eventhough terms federation and confederacy are not standardized, and remain to be fulfilled with

political substance from case to case, depending on the relation of forces and politicalconjunctures.

Anyhow, the international community aims at evading to determine stiff political models, andespecially name them, among others because it fears that its imposition might fail and thus itsauthority would be affected and be unwillingly discredited, regardless of how dissatisfactory

this solution might be for the Albanian electorate. Therefore, such elastic and flexibleformulations might still be expected from the international community, much more than anymodels, names or recipes which would only have to realized, while the Albanian politicalsubject would have to fill it up with political substance and content, with constant politicalactivity. So, the concrete materialization of these international principles depends on theability of the Albanian subject to impose its interests and postures, its competence andstrength.

KOHA: You just said that the British posture towards Kosova has not changed. Then, what isnew?

PULA: The postures, I would say, in essence are the same, but it seems that the Britishdetermination to realize them is stronger. In this sense, I would like to mention the clear

posture of G. Britain that Belgrade should not expect its definite comeback to theinternational community without having an acceptable solution for Kosova first. This means,among others, that the international capital will not be at the disposal of Belgrade, as long asKosova is not settled, which would endanger the existence of the Serbian regime itself in along term. I would also say that it is very significative that London supports the request forAlbanian-Serb dialogue with international mediation, as the only attitude possible with realchances to succeed and that it sees the possibilities of its contribution in this direction.

It can be expected to have Kosova become part of the global solution of the crisis in theFormer Yugoslavia, which should be accomplished after the foundations for such a solutionare posted, in the summit suggested to take place between Milosevic, Tudjman andIzetbegovic, ie. the mutual recognition of their states.

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I would also want to mention a detail, which is often repeated by well informed circles,regarding Lord Owen's conversation with Milosevic in regard to the eventual meeting withRugova. It is said that Milosevic's reaction was calm, without any notorious negativestatements, previously heard anytime Kosova or Rugova were mentioned. These proves that

the Serbian perception that Kosova is an international issue is becoming clearer, even thoughSerbia is trying to stall the solution until solutions for Bosnia and Croatia are found.

KOHA: While you were in London, Hogg also met with FYROM's Minister of InternalAffairs, Frckovski. What is your comment in this regard?

PULA: London is concerned about the eventual expansion of the conflict southwards or theexplosion of a conflict from the internal developments in Macedonia. In this context, I wouldconclude that there is a big problem in the official attitude of Macedonia towards theMacedonian-Albanian relations, which is more police-like than political. It would maybe also

be indicative to say that London is planning to have meetings with the Albanians from

Macedonia, at a very high level.

KOHA: As we are mentioning the international community, could you make a comparisonbetween its and the British posture about the issue of Kosova. There are opinions we hearoften, that G. Britain is traditionally predisposed towards Belgrade?

PULA: It is grounded premise to say that the determinations of the foreign policy of one statedepend on their own interests. Traditionally, Britain had big influence in the Balkans duringthis century, and has promoted its interests through the strong factors present in the area, andwithout any doubt, Serbia belongs to this group. The closeness of London with Belgrade

should be looked upon from the historical aspect and also from the anti-German allianceduring the wars, whose reminiscence is still present. Right now, the Albanian factor isfocused by the analytical circles and is a key factor in the long term geo-political projectionsin the Balkans. All of this proves that the British policy expresses its bigger interest about theAlbanian factor, which is reflected in the aims to find a correlation and adequate influence onthe Albanian factor. Thus, one could look upon the determination for the reinstallment of theautonomy in Kosova, despite the dissatisfaction of Belgrade.

KOHA: Maybe it sounds a bit contradicting, but as if the principle on the non alteration of theborders by force is tolerated by the Contact Group, which allows the Serbs in Bosnia to haveconfederacy links with Serbia?

PULA: It seems that in the formal aspect there is no change, for the international communityinsists that the border should not change. Insisting on this principle is motivated with the needto safeguard the existing international order and not allow the uncontrolled explosion ofethnic conflicts, i.e. the request to have alterations of the borders, which would seriouslyendanger peace in the world. Inside the existing borders, the attitude is much more flexibleand it is allowed practically, in the sense of federal links, as in Bosnia and Croatia. However,the precedents that are being set, will probably be reflected in international processes, andwill serve as models which will solve, step-by-step, other conflicts too, as is the case ofKosova and Macedonia. Therefore, this is why we could say that the thesis that the ethnic

model which is imposed by the Serbs now, will serve in the future as a model for the solutionof the Albanian question, hopefully, without violence, is quite grounded.

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INTERVIEW

ARBN XHAFERI, Chairman of the PPD fraction

THE RIGID POLICY OF THE GOVERNMENT IS THE GENERATOR OF CRISIS

Interviewed by SELADIN XHEZAIRI / Shkup

KOHA: Could you comment on the situation in the Parliament: while the MPs of the PPDreturned back, your MPs still refuse to do so...

XHAFERI: The new situation needs no comments. It is clear, because we have entered a newcycle of even stronger repression. You know that the government showed an incrediblearrogance and arrested the elite of one people: it arrested the Rector of the University, achairman of a political party who has big merits for Macedonia's recognition as a state, the

chairman of the Forum for Human Rights, a chairman of a humanitarian organization, aprofessor of the faculty of law, and many others. This means that if we keep quiet, and if wepolitically don't react, then we prove an enormous political weakness, and don't forget that weestablished our political parties so we could articulate the interests of the population. We

believe that we don't have the moral, political, nor human right to stay clam before thisenormous arrogance of the Government of Macedonia, and in this direction we have nodilemmas. The others have dilemmas, the others believe that there is only one path, one wayout and they will be responsible to their electorate, the other intellectual factors which willanalyze this phenomenon from another angle. We do not accept a parliament that have

become a service of the Government, while the Government has become a service of small

political groupings which insist on outdated political concepts and see no way out. All of ushave become hostages of a wrong policy in Macedonia and we want to react loudly against it,and of course we will organize ourselves.

KOHA: Your party addressed the Speaker of the parliament with a motion. What is it reallyabout?

XHAFERI: This institute is being used, maybe, for the first time in the parliamentarianpractice of Macedonia. The motion aims at eliminating factors which are causing tension inMacedonia, as a condition for our comeback in the Parliament. The first factor is the use ofthe Albanian language in the Parliament; the second factor is to ascertain the responsibility

for the murder of Abdylselam Emini, as well as the arrest of the Rector and the rest from theUniversity and the third factor is the creation of normal conditions for the University tofunction and its incorporation in the system. These factors were produced by the Governmentand it is leading a transparent policy here in Macedonia. We, naturally, are not causingdestabilization, but are only suggesting the elimination of these factors.

KOHA: Will you go back to the parliament, and if, when?

XHAFERI: We will not play the game of blackmail. If these factors are not eliminated, wedon't see how can we be productive within the framework of these institutions; but we see

that we can be productive in other directions, in contacts with the international factor, incontacts with the public, where we are concentrated on increasing the level of consciousnessabout the situation we are living, a historical situation; we are not all aware that this situationis historical: it is the time when states are founded and when they disintegrate, and this is the

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time when principled rights are gained and lost. We are conscious about this historical phaseand we have no competencies to evade it, because it would be a huge responsibility, not onlyfor the individual but for the political party as well.

KOHA: How do you evaluate the first round if conversations between the Government ofMacedonia and the Albanian party, with the mediation of ICFY's representative, AmbassadorGert Arens. What could it bring, having in mind the disappointment of Albanians so far.

XHAFERI: The least it can do is come to the ascertainments. To ascertain what are thesetalks, because so far they have been developed behind closed doors, without anycommunication with the public and the public doesn't know what the results of theseconversations are. From now on, the phenomenon of negotiation will be determined, we insistthese conversations become negotiations, and then we'll see who offers what, who ismediating and what is the standard of mediation: is it to find the golden average of the twocontradictions, which I consider to be false, because here we are facing the extremism of the

Government of Macedonia which is trying to quickly create a national state, not taking intoaccount the interests of the Albanians here, in the state which is being developed. This will bea meeting of ascertaining the facts, because we will insist on discovering which and where isour political position, the global position of Albanians in general in the region, which is the

position of the Macedonians and the international factor.

KOHA: No need to ascertain the situation of Albanians in Macedonia, it is obvious.However, in this plane, a question imposes: how will the Albanian political factors becomestrong enough to overcome this situation?

XHAFERI: It is easy and hard at the same time. The Albanian policy must become global, itmust be verified somewhere. Without having the verification of this policy, withoutelaborating a global strategy of the Albanians in the Balkans, we are creating a totallyunproductive policy. We must draw conclusions from the experiences we have gone through,and create mechanisms which verify the policy of each party, group or individual. We arenow in the phase of an non evaluated, non verified and non elaborated policy. There is muchtoo space for voluntarism, an endless terrain for non-productive projects, deceits anddisappointments. This must be eliminated and have the projects of the individuals, groups and

political parties come out on the surface.

KOHA: You mentioned the verification of the policy - where and how could this situation be

overcome?

XHAFERI: It is not important where. Normally, the decision is made where the politicalinformation exists, where the global tendencies are known, where they are leading to, whereis there available information on a phenomenon. It is impossible to know in closed officeswhat is a historical tendency and what a geo-strategic one. This does not happen in closedoffices, but in places where the information is gathered.

KOHA: You have often said that there are no tense inter-ethnic relations in Macedonia, butthere are bad relations between the Albanian community and the Macedonian government.

The recent damage cause to the Albanian and also Macedonian cemeteries in Kumanova, as ifproves that something is changing in this sense.

XHAFERI: Yes, but the perpetrator must be discovered: is it the people of organized political

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forces which are instruments of those closed circles which have converted all the institutionsof the system in a service of their own concepts. Therefore, we must first make thisascertainment and then see who did it. Our analyses prove that the relations between two

people are not tense, that none of the sides wants war, but those circles which to create a tense

situation so the miserable economic and social situation is forgotten, to create an advantage ina policy of balance. They create an extreme, so they can claim that the other extreme exists.This policy of balance then creates space for continuing a policy before the internationalfactors. We don't think that there are extremes here, but we believe that the rigid policy of theGovernment is generating the crisis. And, we usually blame the Government and those nonformal decision making groups which have converted all institutions in a service of their ownconcepts. This is the source of the crisis: it is not among the people. The people is usuallyinnocent, but it can be used for different purposes. For example, what would the Macedonianstudents have against the University of Tetova? They are used for other purposes, so it can be

proven that there are two extremes, and in essence, there is only one. It is part of the actualMacedonian policy which sees Macedonia as a national state of the Macedonians in all

further variations to follow. There are no other problems here.

KOHA: Your MP, Sali Ramadani, in the famous interrupted session, started his statement bysaying "Macedonia, where are you headed to...". In fact , where is it headed to?

XHAFERI: It is headed nowhere. It is turning in a lethargy on a daily basis, where all ourenergies are being wasted. It is investing in a project no to be achieved ever. It has manydreams, many illusions that there can be a Macedonian dream-state, where they will bedominant, while the others subjugated. However, it will have enormous problems with theGreeks and with Albanians which will never agree to a subjugated position, a status which is

beneath the economic, cultural and other forces.

KOHA: At the end, have you applied for registration, and if you did, what is the new name ofthe party?

XHAFERI: We are facing a rule which is rigid towards anything which is Albanian,especially towards a political subject which attempts to formulate, in a specific way, theinterests of it people here. This is why this system punishes, it punishes the University, it

punishes our party, because it was deprived of its legality by the police, but it can't take awayits legitimacy. We, as the presidency of the party, wish not to register another party, becausewe believe and we have arguments that we are the only heir to the PPD. But our activists,

who are more pragmatic, and who believe that it is worthless to struggle with such a rigidregime in all parameters, suggest the new party's name be: PPD of Albanians in Macedonia.Our activists have approached the court with such a request, while we, the Presidency, stillcontinue are awaiting for the court's verdict on this matter.

ALBANIA

NO ONE REMEMBERS WHAT HAPPENED

by MERO BAZE / Tirana

There is no talk about victory, only progress. Papulias and Serreqi smile courteously to

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one-another. Same as one year and a half ago, Papulias listened to Albanian problems listedby Meksi, starting from the development of trade, construction of roads, visa benefits, newpoints of communications, safeguarding the borders, the legalization of Albanians who workin Greece, a list which ends with the request to have Greece support the integration of

Albania in Europe. Papulias, on the other hand, gave Meksi many promises in regard to allissues mentioned.

Berisha, who met Papulias for half an hour in an open official meeting, suggested to the lattera friendship and cooperation treaty with Greece, and also suggested the organization of ameeting of the Balkans foreign ministers to discuss the situation in the region. Berisha wasmuch more optimistic about this visit than Serreqi, and evaluated it as a new page in thehistory of relations between two neighboring countries. The opposition and media paid animportant attention to the visit, breaking for the first time, the rule of the denigration of anyofficial activity.

Berisha personally attempted to start a dialogue. During his visit to Bulgaria, and especiallyRumania, during April last, Berisha invited Greece to accept the dialogue even in a neutral

place, concretely suggesting Zurich, where Serreqi and Papulias should have meet. TheAlbanian side requested the responsibility of Greece for the Peshkpi massacre, but this wasnever achieved. This is why the Zurich meeting was classified a failure, and the Greekdiplomacy started its offensive, concentrating itself on the guilt of the five accused. It appliedits veto at the EU, then again in the CDU, vetoing Democratic Party's application formembership, and on, thus converting the veto into a sort of epidemics attacking any relation

between the two states. But, there is no doubt that the biggest victims in this confrontationwere the Albanian emigrants. In the meantime, 75 thousand Albanians were returned back

home, beaten, mistreated and humiliated. Their savings were blocked in the banks, as aunprecedented act of politics violating the international financial regulations. Their comebackto Albania made the social problems more difficult and this was used by the opposition toclassify the conflict between two states, as an inability to rule the Albanian state. The

professional Greek media, used to such chaotic situations in Albania, made perfect use of thestatements of the opposition leaders in Albania, thus trying to show that the fault is Albanian.The whole history of statements and mistreatment gave the impression to the Albanians, ingeneral, that the relations between two states were deteriorating. Then, the Albanian sideforgot the victims of Peshkpi and instead of doing something for them, it was responding toGreece for having arrested five people accused of espionage.

Papulias' arrival to Tirana is in reality sticking to level zero. The political will to haveconversations with Tirana, is a formula to leave the problems between two states pending.

None of the factors that cause problems to these relations got a definite answer. The mainproblem that causes social unrest to the Albanian government, is the legalization ofemigrants. This was discussed in general, but nothing concretely was agreed. A jurist,member of the Greek delegation, explained confidentially that the legal problems legalizationof emigrants might cause, are much bigger than their residence in the present status. Thiswould mean registration with the police, and immediately an increase of the salaries, which isnot desired by the Greek employers, which would have as a direct consequence the reduction

of the possibility to employ such a large number of Albanians. Papulias' offer to Tirana wasmore concrete. He asked for the aperture of a Greek bank in Tirana, allowing the turnover ofGreek money. This is a concrete measure which is accomplishable, which opens the paths tothe Greek capital in Albania and strengthens its position at the south, where it is anyways the

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strongest.

The thesis which caused Athens's satisfaction was the request to have Albania integrate inEurope through Greece. This thesis was initially spread by Gramoz Pashko and later by the

Socialist opposition in fact has some not so comfortable purposes for Albanians. In January1991, Greece got 20 millions of dollars of assistance for Albanian emigrants, who instead ofreceiving the money, got beaten up. Later, some annexes of European programs, as TEMPUSor INTERREG were installed in Thesaloniki as a link to Tirana. Thus, all Albanians tospecialize who applied for TEMPUS were selected by the office of this program inThesaloniki. The mediators became people with close links to the Greek Embassy in Tirana.The first phenomenon achieved was the departure of a large number of archaeologists andhistorians to London and Thesaloniki, who after coming back from there, were eitherquestioning the autochthonous Albanian people, or wouldn't write anything any more.INTERREG opened its regional office in Saranda, and started assisting Greek minoritynewspapers and "Zri i Popullit". In Thesaloniki, this program established a fund which was

supposed to assist the Balkans: adherents to join the Journalists' Federation in Brussels andget other assistance from the EU. Several months later, it became evident that this was a wayor Greece to get as much funding as possible. Then, the EU assistance meant for Albania anddelivered through Greece, was treated as Greek assistance. All of this, and especially anyGreek veto strengthened the conviction that Albania had no other way to integrate withEurope apart from going through Greece. The only way to ruin this false image is to haveAlbania officially denounce the abuse of EU assistance by Greece, which did it for its owninterests.

The reaction of the opposition press and politicians about Papulias' visit are positive. The

Greek press was also surprised with Berisha's good-willingness. The only ones to reactharshly were the rightists. The People's Democratic Party and Balli Kombtar stressed the factthat Greece, anytime it feels it, presents itself with a new anti-Albanian policy. In an articletitled "Papulias, feet in Tirana, head in Belgrade", Balli Kombtar qualified Papulias' visit asan attempt to impose the line of the Orthodox axis in the Balkans on Albanian politics.

DRUGS

"KOSTA" PERSECUTES ALBANIANS

by RIFAT BUZUKU / Vienna

Several days ago, the International Narcotics Control Board (INCB) published its 1994Annual Report. It calls for a harsh control of narcotics, a universal treaty of persecution,

building a system of free flow of information and a clearer policy in regard to the "traditionalconsumption" of drugs.

This report argues the legalization of drugs in Germany, Holland and Switzerland, claimingthat the expansion of this phenomenon not only threatens the destruction of people's health,

but also the economic and social strength in Europe and the world.

It is interesting that INCB's "black list" contains the names of the states such as USA,Mexico, Guatemala, United Arab Emirates, Switzerland, Holland, and the Czech Republic.

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These countries produce complex types of narcotics. One of them is the so called "ice", andalong with other 21 banned chemicals, it is controlled by the INCB, which urges thegovernments of the mentioned states to stop their production and distribution immediately.

INCB's list also contains Bulgaria, which secretly produces a sort of synthetic drug with animmediate effect on the brain and the whole nervous system. "Synthetic drugs have becomevery attractive for traffickers, because they are easily transported and usually traded betweencountries which have no or weak system to discover drugs", says Hamid Ghodse, Chairmanof INCB.

Asked how true are the claims that the Albanians are second largest group of drug traffickers,Gottfired Machata, member of the Board told KOHA that INCB makes no such evaluations,and has no information about this issue. The truth is that many Albanians were caught lastyear, while dealing. We also know that there are several dangerous paths of drug traffickingwhich start in Albania and end in Scandinavia. According to him, as well as the annual report,

this path was put under the control of the Italian crime police, who caught 400 traffickers andconfiscated a considerable amount of drugs and money. Out of the 400 caught, around 300were Albanians. Now they are doing time in different prisons throughout Europe, where theyhave sufficient time to convince themselves that trading with "flour", as they call it, is the oneway street that takes you into the darkness.

Another reason why Albanians are not mentioned in this report is the fact that they can notproduce any drugs, as is the case with most of the developed countries. Compared to the realbosses, Albanian traffickers are exporters of the imported drugs and charlatans who wanderaround Interpol's network. Or, as a INCB official expressed himself: "small traffickers are

superficial fish which can be caught as you wish: one by one or in groups".

INCB collects data taking into account the information provided by regional and state offices,as well as different departments of the UNDCP, media and specialized publications. INCBhas at its disposal information which is considered as indicator and revealer of drug abusetendencies. This informative source contains information provided by INTERPOL, by customoffices as well as information and special studies of WHO, in regard to drug abuse.

The only good news coming out from this report is that the number of states adhering to theonly international instrument against drugs, is increasing. So far, 149 states have signed theConvention.

Publicity about the Albanian criminals among asylum-seekers continues, this time with aninformation broadcasted on Deutsche Welle.

Informing from Hamburg, the journalist said that in the past two years, the media in Germanyhad many informations on the activities of different criminal organizations from the Easternand South-Eastern Europe. The brutal killings, plundering and mistreatment of victims aremainly acts of the Russian of Polish mafias. However, the term "Albanian mafia" ismentioned very often by the German media and police.

"Hamburger Adendblatt" published an article on September 5, 1994 where it stated that 70%of the thefts taken place in Northern Germany are perpetrated by Albanian criminals. It isobvious that we are referring to organized crime, because there are often quarrels and disputes

between Albanians from Kosova and those from Albania. Meaning, that these are bands

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already operating in Germany.

Thus, in autumn 1994, Hamburg formed a special investigating group, in charge of clarifyingrobberies perpetrated by the Albanian mafia. In the meantime, Group 941 got additional

assistance. Another group, in charge of clarifying killings and other violent acts wasestablished by the end of 1994, while now, there is a third group, the one in charge offollowing the criminal activities of the Albanians in Hamburg. The secret name of the thirdGroup, which Hamburg is expecting a lot from, proves that in Germany a clear distinction

between Albanians from Kosova and Albania is made. KOSTA, the name of this group, iscomposed of KOS, for Kosova, T for Tirana and A for Albania. Hamburg police claims thatthere are clear differences in the criminal activities of both gangs.

The opinion is that the Albanians from Albania are much aggressive, consequence of thearchaic structures still dominating in Albania. There are many vendettas or punishmentsconducted for breaking the familial hierarchy code. Kosova Albanians are mainly accused of

organized robberies. Then, a very important thing, the Hamburg police makes a cleardistinction between the Albanian workers and criminals, who are in no way linked. KOSTAhas in its register around 800 criminals from Kosova and they can't be mixed with, at least,6000 Albanians from Kosova living and working in Hamburg since some time. This wave ofcriminality is seen as a consequence of the miserable situation in Albania and the lack of

prospects in Kosova.

KOSTA is comprised of 15 very experienced policemen in civics, whose names are keptsecret. The place their office is, is secret too.

It has been said that KOSTA's collaborators have the best equipment possible, able to bugtelephone conversations and to follow anyone without any special permit. KOSTA's role ispreventive, to stop the further expansion of crime, say the officials in Hamburg.

Many suspicious persons with forged travel documents were caught. So far, it was ascertainedthat the thefts were done by the so called "nomads" who as soon as they do the job, they moveto another region. Also many stolen things were found. KOSTA officials claim that thehardest thing to do is follow the conversations because of the language, not differentiating thenational appertaining of the suspects and finally, not knowing enough about the lifestyle ofAlbanians. Nevertheless, during the first month of activities alone, KOSTA has achieved toarrest three criminals - suspected of having killed a conational in Hamburg.

MACEDONIA

WHERE DOES RACISM IN MACEDONIA COME FROM?

by ISO RUSI / Shkup

After the events in Reic e Vogl, when the relations between Macedonians and Albanians

totally froze, as if the things just stopped happening. The Macedonian press was full ofanti-Albanian comments and articles, pieces which cried for the "honest" Albanians whostopped sticking to the rules and became nationalists and separatists, grounded on the oldmaxim "an Albanian is just an Albanian" and can't be nothing else. The Albanian media,

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normally, supports them only because the devils are on the other side. But, the truth is thatsome Macedonian media had a different posture and published articles that are dissonant inrelation to the hysteria which was initiated clearly from the highest level in the Macedoniangovernment. In circumstances when the old Communist attitude of discovering plots, internal

and external enemies, spies and mercenaries, it is really a brave professional step to publishsomething that is against the directed course. And, we must be honest and say that this didn'thappen in the Albanian media in Macedonia. Thus, "Nova Makedonija", published threesequels a "Critical analysis of the events in regard to the University of Tetova", signed bySaso Lambevski, a person unknown to the public, while the ones who know him, say that heis a young man, whose parents emigrated to Australia, and who was educated in Ljubljana.But, the best illustration is the text he published in "Nova Makedonija".

The first part of the article was titled: "Where is Macedonia going???", the same questionasked by MP Sali Ramadani when the Parliament session was suspended. Lambevski startsthe article by giving his explanation: "This question would have not caused any reactions if it

were said in the official language in use in Macedonia. This question is a symptomaticgesture of frustration and spite in relation to the disciplining relations of the Macedonianregime, which is more and more sinking in its basic contradictions. The gesture, in essenceirritated the Macedonian MPs, the public and the media.

Why is it so? I give this gesture, which I incorporate in the series of the events about thestatus of Albanians in Macedonia, another interpretation differing from the one existing as a"debate about it" in Macedonia. The political actors in Macedonia and the ones who commentthe events in the political scene, depart from the pure logic that their act stands in the sense ofreaching the aims determined consciously. My purpose was to prove that the opposite logic,

that of casualty, chaos and sub-conscience functions in the Macedonian political scene.

Lambevski is decisive in his further comments: The Macedonian government is determined infavor of the technology of rule which is captivated by the contradictions in the modernconcept of restricted and formally verified sovereignty. This arises the contradiction of thetreatment the same state is giving its own citizens. On one hand, it treats them as virginswhich should be spared from the complexity of politics and as such are subjugated to loveand care of the father (sovereign), who knows everything. This creates the mystery about the"state and national interests" and the fact that the people are ignored by the government. It's(sovereign) knowledge (on the defense of the state, organization of production, regulation ofour needs, etc.) gives it not only strength, but orders it to ask for and gain a special privilege -

satisfaction because of the supreme power (sovereignty) which can't be surpassed.

But this satisfaction is accompanied by the thorns of the burden given to the sovereign, withhis care for his children - the subjugated... But full sovereignty is impossible when the powerof the state faces, on a daily basis, its lack of strength, its constitutive weaknesses which arefilled with different fantasies about the divinity of the others - the other state, another ethnicgroup, religion, other political philosophy, technology of rule, etc. The other, with theimagined totality, is an obstacle our us and this causes our fascination and hatred towards theothers.

This is interpreted differently in the daily technology of concealing one's personal lack ofstrength and the control of the others who could reveal this weakness. And this would ruinthen the myth about the omnipotence of the potence. Thus, power functions as an illusion andlie".

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On the other hand, says Lambevski, the government aims to show the Macedonian state as aservice to the citizens, as a place cleaned up from any discrimination on ethnic, religious,sexual, social or political discrimination. The West is the Macedonian super-ego, ourego-ideal, which we us to judge upon ourselves and construct love for ourselves to construct

what psychoanalysis knows as ideal ego. But, subconscious homo-phobia is stronger than thesuperego which we have constructed. I will allow myself to make a series of uncomfortablequestions, which any Macedonian intellectual, especially that of leftists orientation, must askhimself... Is really the Macedonian state cleaned (in the formal juridical aspect) from anydiscrimination? It is true that the founding act of the new Macedonian statehood(Constitution) contains no ambiguities and is clean of any sort of discrimination? What hashappened to the discrimination in the microphysics of power - in practice and regulation ofinstitutions, laws and legal acts of the state administration, in the written and unwritten ruleswhich regulate our societal life? Haven't we unconsciously become part of the paranoidconstructions of enemies and de-stabilizers of the state, secessionists, nationalists andchauvinists? Aren't we unconsciously projecting our racism, the irrational from the Other (in

this case the Albanians) in the construction of an image which shouldn't be trusted a priori,which always has some concealed purposes (the creation of Greater Albania, isn't it?).Macedonia has won its "Jew", the contradicting figure which we hate and which we fearfrom.

Lambevski places the further relations of the largest population in Macedonia in connectionwith racism: "...political correctness of the regime and the media, who take care of how toaddress the other (and we are referring to Albanians in Macedonia) only superficiallyconceals our racism in the way we speak and how we experience the Other. As soon as wetake off our eyes from the Other, our brain starts being visited by ghosts about the Other, and

which are not proven in reality: that the Albanians are "possessing" Macedonia, that they arerich, that they are linked with different mobs and different informing agencies, that they areinvolved in the Islamic Jihad, that they wish they would dominate us, and that "any Albanianhouse" has a weapon and is waiting for the call of any supreme leader to kill all Macedonians,etc... A Siptar is ugly, filthy, illiterate, crazy, violent, who requests special disciplinarymeasures and who is luckily "easy to manipulate with". Siptarka is only a machine for makingchildren and nothing more than that, she, in our racist political discourse, is totallydehumanized and represents the supreme fanaticism of the (Macedonian) male nationalistchauvinism who dreams of the same Macedonian women. On the other hand, a Siptar needsmercy, needs assistance, and who will be helped waiting for his gratitude and love inexchange".

The second part is called "Secret conversations do not bring long-term results", andLambevski continues the same way: "Now at the end I can talk about the University ofTetova. Many will haste to say that the University of Tetova is another proof that Albaniansdo not want to integrate in the open Macedonian society, and are creating a ghetto of theirown. As a reply to this, I would repeat the definition on racism and ask another question: Is it

possible that we (the Macedonian majority) can push the Albanians to see themselves as theyfeel (as a de-legitimized community) and go towards ghettoisation? They ask for theUniversity because they know that our wish to have them integrated in the university systemof Macedonia is not honest. They know that they are not welcome, that they will be made fun

of, because of the education they were granted so far, because of their way of speakingMacedonian, because of their religious culture and traditions they have, and that they will findthemselves there because of the pressure of the Macedonian political elite and superego".

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"In all proposals about the (non) regulation of the status of Albanian superior education inMacedonia unconsciously reflects, under the pretext of some legality, that the Governmentdoes not care about it when it is of it's convenience (tens of legal acts proposed byCrvenkovski's past Government were disputed by the Constitutional Court, which prove this),

expressing it's mistrust and fear towards the others but also creating an impression of theirethnic superiority", says Lambevski.

"Insisting on the official communication only in Macedonian, to have all MPs speak only inMacedonian, and that they educational system can't be fulfilled otherwise but in Macedonian,etc., can not be explained otherwise but as a call or racist ghosts which motivate such a

behavior of the Macedonian political elite". The author even goes further:

"The discussion about these issues is not rational at all, and it wouldn't be serious enoughfrom the beginning. It can't be that any request of the Albanians is against the state. It issymptomatic to see how the ears are closed and the arguments if the other side are evaded to

be heard, and such thing should be debated seriously. What happened in Reic e Vogl is aconsequence of serial, chaotic and non systematic accidents in the (non) regulation of theissues belonging to both sides, especially the Macedonian, which is trying to ignore the

problems not wanting to face them: and this has to do with one's own racism and the racismof the electorate that gives them support... The long term stability of the inter-ethnic relationscan not be assured with secret and mysterious conversations between the elites and smallgroups. The debate must be open and should involve all citizens with a special involvementof the media in the struggle against all forms of discrimination opening the dialogue betweenthe "ordinary people", despite the fact that the dialogue might hurt, a dialogue in which bothsides in conflict will talk about what most irritates, intimidates and frustrates the others.

Consequent to the intonation of his article, Lambevski doesn't spare the Albanian elite either,whom he criticizes, first of all, for the way they pushed the problem about the University: "Itis this elite that must learn, if it wants its politics to be effective, to address the Macedonian

population as well, especially in areas where Albanians make up the majority. The struggleagainst Macedonian racism and irrational fear of the Macedonian population can not beAlbanian racism, which also exists. The aggressive and provocative rhetoric, the exposure offorce, the lack of hesitation to condemn the crimes committed due to ethnic hatred (when thecriminal is Albanian), etc., are only helping the reproduction of the racist image of the"Siptar" among the Macedonian population. Then, the Albanian elite must give the initiativeto start a dialogue with the Macedonian population and this should be helped by both the

Macedonian intellectuals and media. Mystifications take towards different speculations.Unfortunately, the Albanian elite also acts according to the same logic they criticizethemselves (isolation, ignoring the others, discrimination, etc). Or, as the author says: "In thehastened promise to solve the issue of the University of Tetova, which is without any doubt avery important part of the national emancipation of the population, the elite forgets, on

purpose or not, to come out with a complete project of the University, for it is not only relatedto the legitimate right of the Albanians to have education on all levels in their own language,

but is also related to a series of technical and economic issues, which finally determines theethnic dimension of the whole project.. Here I am, first of all, referring to the integration ofthe graduated students in the Macedonian economy (almost 30% of the working force is

currently unemployed)".

In conclusion, Lambevski says this too: "The analogy with the University of Prishtina shouldnot be used as an argument against the realization of the rights of the Albanians to establish a

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University in their language (which the Constitution implicitly allows), and even less thesolution of ethnic problems according to the Serbian recipe".

"In our human wish to format our reality, we will give importance to what is happening, and

we will eagerly wait for someone to come and open our eyes, who will ask us `who isstanding behind this whole thing?'. It is interesting that both sides have found Serbia for this,right now".

His conclusion is that the state, formally and juridically, is clean from discrimination and thatthe absolute sovereign is dead and that sovereignty becomes a metaphor of the modern

practice of the democratic state. The citizen is the sovereign. But, he, uniquely, could practicehis sovereignty if he gives up on accepting the definition of reality served to him by someoneelse.

There have been no reactions to Lambevski's text so far, same as in the case of any article

written by a Macedonian author. The reactions, so far, arose against those who are consideredas aliens by the Macedonian public, as those who were born as their national enemies.

What is actual these days, are the parties that the Macedonian leadership is organizing for themedia. However, what the leadership still does not understand is that what has once beentested, will not function so easily in the future. Usually, people, however closed they might

be, think in the same way. And this is the way out, despite the crazy daily "politics" and itsapologetics.

DOSSIER

MAHMUT BAKALLI: WHY ARE THEY AFRAID OF MY COMEBACK

Interviewed by BAHRI CANI & CVIJETIN MILIVOJEVIC

The Belgrade independent daily Nasa Borba is preparing a special publication on Kosova,which will, among others, also include interviews with Albanian and Serb political figuresfrom Kosova and Serbia. One of the interviewed is Mahmut Bakalli, former high-rankedofficial of Kosova.

Because of the actuality of the theme and broadness of the interview, the authorized versionwill be published several issues.

N.B.: Many linked your departure from politics in 1981, to your (in)direct support to therequests of the demonstrators. How grounded are such claims and how do you evaluate thoseevents now, from a 14 years' distance?

BAKALLI: I was not forced out from politics because of the support to the requests, butbecause of the big differences in the evaluation of those demonstrations by the Yugoslav

leadership, and evaluation which proved to have big consequences for Albanians andYugoslavia proper. I insisted that those demonstrations should not be qualified as"counter-revolution", because the dogmatic Communist qualification was incorrect, confusingand groundless, and in fact it proved nothing and caused brutal consequences to the people. I

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was in favor of calm and reasonable qualifications, I insisted to make an analysis of why thedemonstrations occurred, first of all in the social-economic context of the Albanian peopleand the students themselves, in the context of the political and democratic rights of the peopleand the peace-wanting aspirations of the Albanian people, but also in the context of the

bureaucratic phenomenons in Kosova, the context of the mistakes of the leadership inKosova, taking, on this occasion, my personal and individual responsibility for all whathappened.

I was against the brutal measures undertaken against the students on March 26, by the specialunits of the federal police, and I requested the creation of a state commission to inquire theabuse of their authority, because all of that caused the anger of the Albanian population. I wasagainst the direct intervention of the Serbian police, because, according to the Constitution, itwas not its competence to do so. I was against the involvement of the Army, because it wouldcompromise it in the eyes of the people.

I was in favor of a political and reasonable solution of the problem. These were all bigdifferences between us and someone had to leave, by all means. The revenge was taken onme, and not because I supported the demonstrations, but because I was in favor of reasonableevaluations and measures, before all, because of the Albanian people of Kosova, but also

because this would have evaded the destabilization and the crisis in Yugoslavia.

It was as if those demonstrations were welcome for the Serbian and a part of the Yugoslavleadership, because in this way it was easier for them to start the realization of their vision onthe new regulation of the hegemonic relations in Yugoslavia after Tito's death, while the firststep in this direction was to suppress the autonomy of Kosova and subjugate the Albanian

people.

I am talking more about who and how took best advantage of the demonstrations followingtheir evaluation, and the first impression is that Serbia profited most on this new createdsituation, and the ones who lost the most were Kosova and the Albanian people. But the factis that Yugoslavia as a whole lost too much, because the scenario on Yugoslavia after Titohad foreseen the next steps after Kosova: Slovenia, Croatia, Bosnia...

I don't have the tendency to evaluate the events according to the "theory of plots", because theevents, before all, have their internal causes and realizers. But, still I think that time will

prove that the '81 events, were also a result of the activities of different secret services, of

Yugoslavia and the world) as well as international factors, which aimed at the strengtheningof the dominant position of Serbia in Yugoslavia after Tito's death, as well as in the Balkans,and the first step was to incite and dramatize the events in Kosova, and prove the force whichwas later applied in other parts of the Former Yugoslavia.

N.B.: Did the Kosovan leadership work in favor of the statehood of Kosova, before thoseevents and after the '74 Constitution?

BAKALLI: Of course we were engaged in the idea of developing Kosova's statehood, inaccordance to the functions of the constitutional solutions of 1974, according to which the

autonomies had their own governments and rule grounded on their own Constitutions. I evenbelieve that we didn't achieve to fulfil all the rights and obligations of the autonomy about theorganized government, as determined by the Constitution and this was due to the short periodof time, and also because of our weaknesses, lack of experience and funding. All of it was

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legal and constitutional. I would just want to remind you that we regulated all issuesconcerned with our Constitution and laws, similar to the other republics, and that thoserelations were regulated on the Federal level, for we were a constituent of the federation,same as the republics. With a formulation in the chapter of principles, the autonomous

provinces were also within the Republic of Serbia, but in the normative part of theconstitution, the autonomies were fully equal with Serbia, meaning that they were not underthe Serbian jurisdiction, that Serbia's laws were not applicable in Kosova. In the aspect ofstatehood, the autonomous provinces were directly linked to the Federation.

Despite this status of the autonomy, we never closed ourselves down, and we incited theintegration and economic cooperation with Serbia, we have broadened the cultural, scientificand other links more than ever. We have also cooperated directly and intensively with theother republics as well as the world, we have initiated the cooperation with Albania,especially in the cultural and scientific areas, trade and the mutual visits of our citizens. Thiswas a need and it did well not only to Kosova and the people living in it, but the whole

Yugoslavia.

The statehood you are referring to, was not illegal, with all its weaknesses and presentmistakes. It didn't cause our isolation, but on the contrary, it helped all the peoples fromKosova to gain more space for prosperity. Naturally, even then there were nationalistictendencies, on both sides, but we eliminated them, first of all with our positive programs andmeasures. We had correct and tolerant relations with the Serbian leader