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The weekly Koha (The Times) was published in Prishtina (Kosovo) between 1994 and 1997. Edited by VetonSurroi, a young Kosovar jou rnalist and one of the pioneers of democratisation in former Yugoslavia, Kohasoon became a symbol of quality among the region's media. In 1997 it started to be pub lished daily under thename of Koha Ditor. With the kind permission of Mr. Surroi, Koha digests were originally posted onhttp://koha.estudiosbalcanicos.org.

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Koha Digest # 47 (1995)

EDITORIALUNCLE'S SECOND SAILING

by VETON SURROI

"He has gone on a ship, he is sailing", my grandfather told my relatives asking about myUncle. I think that the first of the relatives to ask, was six or seven at that time. When hestopped asking, he had already turned twelve or thirteen, and had learned that sailing maytake time, but not such a long time. When Uncle came back from sailing he was pale, theysay, and of poor health. My relatives needed several years to understand that there was no seain Nish and that Uncle couldn't have sailed so long in a town without any sea.

Bit by bit he had mentioned to me the legal reason why he had done time in Nish. When the judge read the accusation, together with all the other accused, he had understood all thecommitted sins: that he had cooperated with the Intelligence Service, that he had served theenemies of the nations and nationalities of Yugoslavia, that they wanted to create Greater Albania. He hadn't understood only one thing: that he was at the service of the Greek royalists. As a young teacher, he found out that in the ecol normale he was not told what theGreek royalists were.

Now he got arrested again. And for the same reasons: because he is member of the former Albanian National-Democratic Movement, the present Albanian National-Democratic Party.As any idealist, he tried to articulate his former dream about free Kosova, in the AND Party,once pluralism appeared. Now he is kept in prison, with the excuse that he is a member of anillegal organization (unregistered in Serbia) which seeks secession of Kosova from Serbia.

Grandpa died a long time ago, and there is no one who could talk about Uncle's sailing. Bothmyself and my relatives are in an age when such explanations would not be sufficient. In away, the ones given by the Serbian regime are not enough either, because there is noorganization that gathers Albanians which is not in favor of Kosova's freedom and it is hardto say that there are Albanians who consider the presence of the Serbian regime in Kosovalegal. It is naturally, a the conflict between the stick and the conviction, a dialogue of non-democratic regions where the stick tries to convince the conviction that it is illegal.

Maybe this is the occasion to repeat for who knows which time, and who knows how manymore times will it have to be repeated: this regime should understand that the majority of thecitizens of Kosova are on the Ship. On the one that Uncle is sailing on, I hope, not for toolong.

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INTERVIEW

TORE BOGH, Head of OSCE Mission in FYROM

THE CLINCHED FISTSInterviewed by Veton Surroi / Shkup

Tore Bogh, a Norwegian diplomat with a long experience in the former Yugoslavia, hadthought that his diplomatic career was over once the CSCE Mission in Kosova ended itsmandate. Leaving Former Yugoslavia, he became a lecturer in California and Lisbon. Once inCalifornia, he was offered to become head of CSCE Mission in FYROM.

When he arrived in December last, he paid his first visit to Tetova. "Entering the town, I gotthe same impression as entering Prishtina".

While we are sitting in the former restaurant of the Delegates' Club of the SR of Macedonia,the former ambassador to the Socialist Yugoslavia, in the environment of the "old garde" of Socialist Macedonia, strengthens the impression that the whole crisis in the Former Yugoslavia can be illustrated by hands clinched together, in which position no finger canindependently move without being affected by the others.

KOHA: Has this impression strengthened during your stay in Kosova and Macedonia?

BOGH: This is something that has come to me gradually. Unfortunately, we have not seen

much movement in any of the crises in the former Yugoslavia. It is as if all the major playersin the Yugoslav crisis are now looking over their shoulder to see if there is somethinghappening in other parts of former Yugoslavia, maintaining their positions, hoping that theremight, at the end of the day be some new initiative, or some new events which would givethem a better deal and that is why nothing happens.

KOHA: If there are negative developments in Bosnia and Croatia, in spring, for example,what would that mean for the southern flank of the crisis, Macedonia?

BOGH: First, let me make this quite clear. I reject the notion that the continuation of the war in band H will necessarily bring about an eruption in Kosova, or for that matter, inMacedonia. But still, as long as the problems further north remain unsolved, I don't think thatthe possibilities are great for achieving a sustainable solution to the problems of the south.That goes for Kosova certainly, and it is obvious that as far as Macedonia is concerned, thereare elements in Macedonia's environment that are linked to developments in Belgrade.

KOHA: What would those elements be?

BOGH: There is the question of mutual recognition, for example.

KOHA: Nevertheless, Macedonia is a continuous geographical crisis, in the sense of the

problems with Greece?BOGH: Theoretically, there would be no obstacle if the important players wanted to have asolution for Macedonia. And I have even thought that if we are going to start a process of

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total solution for the ex-Yugoslav crisis, perhaps one should start at the end, and that could beMacedonia. If you could have a lifting of the embargo to the south, and a mutual recognition between Skopje (Shkupi) and Belgrade, then something positive could happen. It isconceivable, and I think it should be tried. But that means the full participation of some

countries that in so far have not been so eager to help steady the situation in the south.KOHA: Why would you expect a more cooperative behavior of Serbia concerning Macedoniathan Croatia or Bosnia for example?

BOGH: When you look at it from the angle of Skopje (Shkupi), we know that there areeconomic ties on which Macedonia is dependent for its economic advancement, for itseconomic future. As it is now, Macedonia is suffering from constraints both to the north andto the south. If the situation could become relaxed by the lifting of the embargo, it would be a beginning. Next, a mutual recognition between Skopje and Belgrade would be required.

KOHA: In the meantime to the problems of Macedonia's environment there is a new addedone, the question of the inter-ethnic relations...

BOGH: Unfortunately, in the Yugoslav catastrophe, we know that at the bottom of all thedisasters, way back in 1991, or before that, the appeal to ethnicity was always very temptingfor political leaders who wanted to gain power or secure their power base. It is a lot easier toappeal to nationalism, than to propose a new economic program or some ideas for cooperation across ethnic lines. It is an instant support mechanism for geographic locationand the history of the many ethnic groups which have crossed these parts over the centuries,there is a fertile ground for ethnic conflict.

KOHA: If one is to say that there us the opening of the Serbian national question, andafterwards the Croatian one, however misused they have been, couldn't it be said that we havenow the opening of the Albanian national question, first in Kosova, and now in Macedonia?

BOGH: Of course, we have to realize that the problem is there. Again, it need not be a problem, if you agree that there are in this region a number of questions much more importantfor future generations that the maintenance of their own ethnic specifics, and that goes for allethnic groups. It seems to me very often that the people in this region are trying to approach problems with attitudes that are the legacy of the beginning of this century. Now we are at theend of the twentieth century, where the emphasis is on the improvement of the environment,raising the educational level, not necessarily of a particular language, but of science,economics, or other subjects that should interest young people if they really want to go aheadin a competitive world. I think there is a need (and I know it sounds like platitude) that thereshould be a need to meet new challenges, new technology, but unless there is a willingness to join forces with dealing with these tasks, I can see nothing but more problems.

KOHA: How can your perspective be applied to specific problems, for example theUniversity of Tetova, here. Can you tell both sides that they should simply look to the future;will that help in the mediation process?

BOGH: It doesn't seem very likely that you can convert people, to make them adopt suchattitudes. But let me mention what happened to me the other day. I was wandering in themountains near Skopje, when I met a shepherd. He was an ethnic Albanian, but he told me hewas also Macedonian - and proud of it. He said " I live a simple life as a shepherd and I really

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don't understand the demonstrations going on below, in connection with this University". Andtalking about language he said that the important thing for young people would be to learnseveral languages, neither Albanian or Macedonian would serve them alone. "They shouldlearn on a broader basis. As far as I am concerned, that is what a University should be about".

I think this shepherd was a very wise man.The position of the OSCE on the university issue is based on the so called CopenhagenDocument of 1990, adopted by the participating CSCE states, which specifies that nationalminorities "...have the right to establish their own educational...institutions...in conformitywith national legislation". Let me add to this, that when the national legislation is consideredinadequate, there is more need for cool heads, than abusive language in order to find a wayout of the impasse. International agencies may be of assistance, but it is really up to theleaders on both sides to show to the world that they can manage their internal affairs.

KOHA: But obviously that the problems of the University and similar problems, in all of former Yugoslavia, are basically strong signals for greater problems, of political structure.

BOGH: I would agree with that. If you are focusing on your ethnic background in anenvironment where there are others, there is some attraction to purely ethnic policies, but theyare not very productive. It is not the ideas for the future. Theoretically, there is no reason whyall these countries could not meet new challenges together. But it does take change inmentality and attitudes. Take, for example, the challenge of cleaning the environment. The joint problem of garbage disposal and the need to clean up the rivers. This is a necessity inMacedonia, where the main river runs through all sorts of ethnic neighborhoods.

KOHA: Don't you find yourself preaching your civilization to an environment confrontedwith sheer existentialism, for example. If you have war in Bosnia or such a tense situation asin Macedonia, I don't think it would help a lot to talk about ecology.

BOGH: I very often have to tell myself "come one, you are preaching". But I think there is aneed to draw the attention of the people from issues that they are involved or absorbed in.They have got to be made to believe in other values, because, the alternative, if the ethnicgroups are left with their preoccupation with their own ethnicity, there is no good nor sustainable solution in sight. If you try to instill values from another system there is a hopethat at the least the next generation will have a more tranquil future.

KOHA: Is it possible, without settling the problems arising from ethnicity?

BOGH: I don't think that all these ethnic issues can be settled by adopting declarations or sophisticated documents of compromise, that has got to come from inside. There has got to bea conviction from within all groups that they must merge rather than insist of their ownspecifics. Now in the world there is a great deal of sharing of information, sharing the cultureacross all borders, and I am quite sure that this will also influence the younger generationhere, like it has in other countries. This is optimistic, but not impossible. The alternative isdifficult to contemplate.

KOHA: You said, in a jokingly manner, that your mandate would be finished when theBalkans are settled. What would be the first and most important sign that you are on the righttrack.

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BOGH: Sometimes, and this happens very often in history, there are two possibledevelopments, whenever you are going through difficult times. Either you have the freezingof the situation, it goes on and on and you have the problem of attrition. That is the mostunfortunate of the two, because there is always the risk of violent eruptions. The alternative,

the scenario which could bring about an end to the conflict, is one in which somethingunexpected happens, something which makes various groups of people react according toanother patterns. This is more psychological than political. And I still do believe thatsomething can happen in this part of Europe, that there is another world outside and other goals to be pursued.

KOHA: You were in the CSCE mission in Kosova, now you are OSCE in FYROM. Whathas changed since?

BOGH: I have not been to Kosova recently, but I said before, there is a tendency for thesituation to become rigid, connected to the lack of progress in the other parts of the Former Yugoslavia, but again I have to stress that I don't see any necessity for the conflict to bespread to these parts of the Former Yugoslavia. I know there are many alarmists aroundwho see these scenarios. I don't. I think there is enough good sense, both in Kosova andhere in Macedonia, to prevent this from happening.

ALBANIA

CHAIRMAN'S DEPARTURE

by MERO BAZE / Tirana

The anticipated Conference of the Democratic Party (DP) celebrated in Tirana on March 5,voted non-confidence to the Chairman of the DP, Eduard Selami, The conference's main topicwas the recent postures of the Chairman towards the constitution and the form of governing.The motion was presented by 53 delegates and there were only 47 votes against the proposaland 10 abstentions out of 664 delegates in total. The request expressed the reserves towardsthe last decision of DP's Chairman, not to respect the decisions of the National Council and

his attitude towards the post of prime-minister. The Conference was celebrated behind closeddoors and without the presence of journalists. The internal sources claim that from the beginning, President Berisha attacked Selami's options, declaring them a Socialist platform.He accused Selami for a concealed coalition with the political opponents of the DP andconsidered his further stay in the top position of the party, very dangerous. On the other hand,Selami once again stressed his options and called the delegates to consider them as a new posture which tries to adapt to the new political circumstances after the referendum on theConstitution, where the DP has suffered a serious blow. After the Conference, Selamideclared to the journalists, that this is the worst end of the Conference and accused Berisha of having oriented the whole Conference not towards the discussion about his options, buttowards his destitution from the post.

Grounded on what was said by Secretary Tritan Shehu, after the Conference, Selami opposed public voting and insisted on having a secret one. Shehu said that the Statute didn't foresee

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the modus, and also that the party will be lead by Shehu himself and two vice-chairmen of the party. The extraordinary Congress of the DP, to be celebrated in autumn this year, willdetermine the new chairman of the party.

The Berisha-Selami conflict reveals the final split of the DP. The whole problem relies on theweakening or strengthening of Berisha's position.

The new political movement of Selami inside the DP revealed its core two days before theConference. Selami admitted that, not the form of the adoption of the constitution, but itscontent, are the roots of the problem. In his press conference, Selami tried to motivate thechanges inside the DP as a process of reformation, denying the epithet of a rebel. Heconsidered the convention of the Conference useless, because, according to him, it consumesthe internal energies of the DP and weakens its political force for the next elections. In thesame context, he claimed his ousting to be totally fruitless for the DP.

Selami had been elected chairman of the party in an extraordinary conference and gotremoved in a similar conference. For almost three years at the head of the DP, heconsequently lead the policy against the two fractions of the DP, the ones who wanted himout and the "right extremists". Now, at the eve of a third fraction, Selami did not want toevaluate his posture in regard to the reason that lead to the fractions occurred earlier. His political actions created the impression that Selami is not holding the original keys of theoffice of the chairman of the DP, but the copies. He didn't change his posture in regard to thefraction of the "rightists" seceded from the DP, and he is the highest ranked official of the DPwho continuously declared that the "rightist grouping" has fascist elements and that it servesthe Communists. Selami's arguments against the two fractions have been over-taken by his

opponents inside the DP and are being used against him. This is the best indicator to provehow little has it been worked inside the DP, even by Selami himself, in favor of a formed political conscience and a struggle of ideas. The first one to ask for a conflict of ideas insidethe DP was Pre Zogaj, and it was not necessary to have Selami come out with this idea threeyears later. The fact that the DP, in its Statute, denies the existence of fractions, and this isSelami's merit, means that Selami must have it all clear about his fate. He has himself contributed to this, by violently restricting the possibilities to have a modern rightist party.

The fact that Selami's reserves to the Constitution have to do with its content and not the wayit should be adopted, clarify the best his request to have the Constitution adopted by theParliament. Insisting on the thesis that the Constitution fell on Berisha's name, Selamirequested the collegial repair of the "Berisha defect", meaning his political weakening. Theassistance that Selami is asking from other parties, represented in the parliament, as well asthe support he has found in the opposition media, prove that Selami is clearly determined inhis position against Berisha and is the clearest profile of a new DP, which is trying to escapethe identification with Berisha. Selami's counting on his popularity, might be exaggerated, for it might rather find grounds on the fall of the Berisha's rating. What seems not to becalculated well is the fact whether Selami will have the support of his followers. All thosewho support Selami aim at weakening Berisha inside the DP and his popularity down-fall.Even though Selami says farewell to the DP, he is not more dignifying to be an ally toBerisha's opponents, because he changes nothing from the inside.

The "Berisha defect" which is trying to be repaired by Selami now, was practically generated by Selami, chairman. The voices which try to create the myth of Selami's popularity inside theDP are not strong enough to motivate Selami's survival. Eight promised MPs as a support,

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can't still alter Berisha's determination to continue ruling until May 26, 1996, when he hasunofficially promised the late parliamentarian elections. The accusations for alliances withthe Socialists, which come against Selami from inside the DP, in essence are linked to thefact that he is trying to free the Socialists from the Constitution as hostage, which Berisha

would like to save for the days in which they might take over power. The insisting for theadoption of the Constitution, is especially linked to Berisha's weakening. But Berisha, at leastformally, can't withdraw without having the 16th MP flee, and MP who assures him theelectoral peace. And this is why Selami is expected to leave, leaving behind the party in thecondition he found it three years ago.

ALBANIA

A CLEANING-UP WEEKEND IN TIRANA

by SELADIN XHEZAIRI / Tirana

As I was travelling to Tirana with my colleague Ramush Tahiri, who after many problemswith the Macedonian police authorities, decided to finally "have himself expelled" fromMacedonia, I didn't even think we'd have any problems on the other side of the border.Strangely enough, on the Macedonian side we were stopped only once, a short control of passports in Qafa e Thans border check point, and we crossed the border without any problems. On the other hand, at the Albanian border, we were told by both the policeman andthe customs officer, that if we wanted to "escape" paying the visa, we must prove our national

appertaining. The journalist card of the most listened foreign radio station in Albania (BBC)saved me 44 DEM, while my colleague, who had no proof on his national appertaining, wasforced to fulfil his "patriotic" obligation... And, when we thought that everything was over,there came the other surprise: in the vouchers issued to us by the border police, it was statedthat I am Albanian while Tahiri - Kosovan?!

I found Tirana somehow prettier, cleaned up and with more cafeterias and booths, themajority of which, as a friend would explain, were illegally erected. That Saturday andFriday, Tirana had started cleaning up, while expecting the arrival of the German presidentHerzog. The position and opposition media, more or less, evaluate as deserving the visit of Germany's #1, expressing the conviction that the bilateral relations would advance even more.The way Herzog was received, quite reminded me of the way Baker was received, although Imust admit that the latter visit had no actual political layering. The German presidentconfirmed the determination of his state to help the "country of the eagles", in the aspect of integration in European economic organisms, as well as in other areas, first of all, in themilitary aspect. His speech at the Parliament will be remembered for the long applause, butalso the approach towards the problems which actually preoccupy Albanians. "He spoke as areal friend" - commented a person in Tirana that evening, while the many Kosovans in Tirana,trying to kill the disappointment caused by the German option of the solution of Kosova's problem, will "encourage" one-another by remembering that "President Berisha himself, notlong ago, didn't hesitate to call Kosova a Province in Dr. Rugova's presence!?". The Republic

remains only to strengthen the will of the audience of the Albanian TV...Tirana, but also the whole of Albania were characterized by the "internal frictions" inside theDemocratic Party and precisely between President Berisha and the Chairman of the DP,

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Selami. From people classified as close to Berisha, announced that on March 5, the too muchspoiled Edi, will be defeated, while the people close to Selami claim that his actions should be supported and respected. All, however, agree that the disagreements between Berisha andSelami don't have only to do with the modus the Constitution will be adopted.

It is uncomfortable to, during a short stay in Tirana, create a full picture about what ishappening actually in Tirana, however there is a feeling that people have started sobering up a bit. The engagement of the individuals is promising, especially that of intellectuals, to try andsolve the problems by dialogue and discussions and calmly because, as writer Zija elaconcluded in an interview "...in the eyes of the world we keep on being small as a people andculture, because we grow smaller by eating each-other"!...

ALBANIA

THE BERISHA-SELAMI SPLIT

IPS / Tirana

President Sali Berisha is asking for the destitution of the Chairman of the ruling DemocraticParty, because of the contest about the way how the new constitution should be adopted. Thesplit between the two key persons of the ruling party happened on the meeting of theseven-members' Council of the DP, when Berisha proposed that the 90 members of the National Council discharge Selami from his post on March 5. Selami, who has not a

governmental post, has been chairman of the DP since Albania came out from the Communistregime in 1991.

The Tirana daily "KOHA JON" quotes Selami saying that Berisha is angry because Selamisuggested the Constitution be adopted by the Parliament and then be verified on aReferendum.

Albania rejected the constitution used 45 years of the Communist regime and actually isfunctioning based on a package of laws adopted in 1991. Berisha wishes these laws become parts of the new Constitution, according to which the President of the State will have thestrongest position.

In November 1994, the Albanian voters rejected Berisha's proposal on the referendum.Political analysts in Tirana claim that, one year before the elections foreseen to be celebratedin March 1996, the position of the DP seems to be weak. Opposition parties in Albania haveelaborated their own version of the Constitution, according to which the Parliament will bethe highest organ.

The opposition parties claim that the new Constitution of the country should be adopted bytwo thirds of the Parliament, and not the Referendum. Democrats, who hold 84 seats, missanother ten in order to vote the constitution in favor.

All Berisha's attempts to gain 10 votes from the opposition have failed.

Selami's proposal was almost suggesting compromise, but it is clear that Berisha interpreted

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this as a support to the opposition's viewpoints.

The Chairman, who has some supporters in the National Council, declared to "Koha Jon",that he was surprised by Berisha's proposal for his destitution. And he is almost certain that

he will have to go.

MACEDONIA

CALM AFTER OR BEFORE THE STORM

by IBRAHIM MEHMETI / Shkup

After the demonstrations of the Macedonian students against the University of Tetovacelebrated on February 23, where, as stated in one of the slogans, "the voice of theMacedonian intelligence was heard" - the cycle of the events in relation to the University of Tetova ended. On 23 February, the investigating judge of the Municipal Court of Tetovastarted the investigation procedure against Fadil Sulejmani, Milaim Fejziu, Nevzat Halili,Qemal Shabani, Musli Halimi and Arben Rusi. All of them are presently in 30 days'detention, apart from Musli Halimi who will be released after 8 days. Fadil Sulejmani andMilaim Fejziu are undergoing investigation for being suspected of committing crime pursuantArt. 205 of the Penal Code of Macedonia (Call to resistance). Nevzat Halili undergoesinvestigation for the same reason. Qemal Shabani is suspected of illegal possession of weapons and explosive devices.

With these arrests, the Albanian political subject in Macedonia - all Albanian political parties(as well as the Women's Forum) in Macedonia, established a commission engaged in attemptsto free the arrested, but so far there are no signs of their release.

The Albanian political subject decided to undertake some peaceful actions and express itsrevolt. In regard to the actions of the government towards the Albanians, especially theUniversity of Tetova, in the joint meeting, held on February 23 in Tetova, the group releaseda communique in which it is stated that the actions of the government towards the Albanianswere evaluated as a sign of the transformation of the political system into a police system.Further on, it is said that this action, not only intimidates the Albanian population, but alsomanifests a deep crisis in all segments of the society.

This joint meeting produced other decisions, and called the people to accomplish them jointly. Thus, Friday, February 24 was proclaimed mourning day, for A. Emini's death. The place where he was killed was renamed to the "Square of the Martyr of Education". On thenext day, thousand of people gathered at the square and payed homage to the victim. Basedon the decisions of the meeting, on Monday, a petition called "For Equality AgainstViolence" started circulating, and it will be delivered to the international organizations too.On March 1, quiet demonstrations in front of the UN in Geneva were celebrated. The purposewas to attract the attention of the international public towards the violence applied against

Albanians, which was also one of the points of the appeal of the Albanian political subject inMacedonia.

The situation created around the University of Tetova was harshly reflected in the

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Macedonian Parliament. The session was supposed to take place on February 22 and was postponed to March 1, because the Albanians wouldn't participate in it. Anyways, theAlbanians didn't show up in the session. Thus, the Albanian parliamentarian groups showedthat they will not participate in the work of the Parliament, until the governmental organs will

not start a dialogue about the open issues.Parallel to these events, the University of Tetova too, continued its activities. Thus, the Senateof the University, which had suspended the labor of the University "until the normalconditions are created", and according to some members of the Council of the University"until is Law on the University is adopted", on February 27, however, continued its activities.

In the biggest secret, the classes in several faculties of the University started in privatehouses. According to the first information available, the police didn't intervene even thoughthe Tetova University denied the rumours that there will be no interventions, as long asclasses take place in private houses. However, it seems that the police is not as active as itusually is in regard to this matter. The reasons for this lack of interest are not hard to imagine,knowing that in this way the work of the University turns into a "free activity" of the citizens.All its activity in the past days was concentrated in the discovery of the people who drew theSerb symbols and graffiti on the building of the University in Reic e Vogl. According tothe communique issued by the Ministry of Internal Affairs (MIA), the perpetrator is GoranStanojkovic, employee of the MIA of Macedonia, who has been suspended and will soonundergo disciplinary procedure. This act closed down a speculation, according to which, theSerbian police had also participated in the actions in Reic and Poroj. Nevertheless, at thesame time, a new concern appeared. The question now imposed to the Macedonian public iswho are the people who protect the state of Macedonia.

Despite these movements which resemble the tectonic shocks after earthquakes, the situationin regard to the University seems relatively quiet, even though it is not certain whether it isquiet before or after the storm, or is it a calm before the real storm.

INTERVIEW

SENAD PECANIN, Editor in Chief of "Dani" - Sarajevo

ONE PARTY IS, NEVERTHELESS, ENOUGH FOR WAR

Interviewed by BATON HAXHIU / Stockholm

I met Senad Pecanin, the former port-parole of the Ministry of Internal Affairs of Bosniaduring three years of war, in the seminar "The Propagation of Hatred and Journalism"celebrated in Stockholm. Our conversation was easy, for we were sharing similar experiencesand that the events in Sarajevo and Bosnia have very much in common with the eventual flowof events in Kosova. We agreed that they had forgotten Kosova in the eighties, and that theywouldn't believe the continuous Serbian repression in Kosova, because Serbia, the Military

and the other Secret Service were in function of the Great-Serbian propaganda."We were all against you, but all of it came back to us as a boomerang. Now we are goingthrough the biggest tragedy of this century not hoping at all that better days will come".

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In Stockholm, along with the problem of Kosova, Bosnia was at the center of the attention.Especially the functioning of journalism in Sarajevo was the highlight.

PECANIN: Unfortunately, I came from the town which "celebrated" the most bizarre

manifestation in this century. I am referring to the 1000 days of besieged Sarajevo. The solefact that we are going back to the medieval manner of "torturing" a town, it proves whatmorbid structure of the occupier we are dealing with. Over on million and a half shells fell onthe town. Over 12 thousand people were killed, 50% of them were children. Over 50thousand were wounded and many of them will remain invalids for the rest of their lives. Thetowns has been destroyed and the worst is that many cultural and historical monuments have been totally destroyed. Also many other buildings, apartments and the whole infrastructure of the town have been destroyed. Even though facing difficulties and the terror reigning inSarajevo, without the basic elements to function, journalists in Sarajevo tried to professionally fulfil their professional obligations. In our weekly "DANI", even thoughlacking electricity, water, telephones and with rather small chances for communications,without paper and other equipment and with the permanent threat of becoming victims of theSerbian sniper-shooters (the printers' was at ten meters away from the front-line),nevertheless, since September 1992 and so far we have published thirty issues. "DANI"comprises the journalists who picture the former image of Sarajevo, which today has changedtotally. Nevertheless, in the inter-ethnic terror, we have a multi-ethnic editorial board.

KOHA: Do you still believe in multi-ethnicity and the chances for its survival, after all whathas happened?

PECANIN: We have still not lost the hope for the existence of a multi-ethnic state of Bosnia

and a multi-ethnic town as Sarajevo used to be. It is the only way for Bosnia to remain assuch, with the borders recognized by the international community, even though we build noillusions, after all what has happened, i.e., the genocide perpetrated by Serbs against theBoshnyaks and Bosnia, then the insisting of Croatia to divide and destroy Bosnia, etc. Theseare really obstacles towards the creation of a new multi-ethnic state, but we must doeverything to bring back Bosnia to joint multi-ethnicity and multi-culture.

KOHA: Do you think there can still be coexistence after all that slaughtering. There are stillillusions that this can be possible?

PECANIN: We don't built illusions, but there is no formula which would divide Bosnia intothree equal ethnicities. So far, no one has found the way to divide Bosnia and this has madeus think that Bosnia's existence is reasonable and possible only in a multi-ethnic society. Iwould also be in favor of the option of the division of Bosnia, if there were a chance to stop bloodshed. I again stress, that there is no formula for the division of Bosnia.

On the other hand, we have no illusions that after all that has happened, it will be easy to build co-existence. But we have no other way out and we are forced to live together with allthe killing in between. This can't be done by magic. And it will take time for us to live as before. Maybe not even the children of my children will live as we used to, but we can'tdeprive the new generations of living their life, for life is short and no one has a right to have

a monopoly over someone else's life. In fact, a year ago, it was impossible to even think thatafter the terrible war between the Boshnyaks and Croats, something would happen, and notonly was the agreement signed but these two people have now confederacy links. If youwould have asked someone last year about this, the answer would have been: impossible! It is

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hard to have the same thing happen with the Serbs, because of the genocide they havecommitted, but, even though I don't believe much in this, the Serbian fascist regime willdisappear and then there will be possibilities for a new life, of course if the Serbian peoplesobers up and escapes from the nationalistic fever which has captivated it.

KOHA: How to create a possibility for multi-ethnicity in a new state when the InternationalCommunity chooses, as a negotiating party and factor of negotiations, a war criminal?

PECANIN: Naturally it is hard to do it. It is hard, first of all, because of the behavior of theinternational community. It took a war criminal and turned him into a political factor todecide about the future of Bosnia and Herzegovina. However, we hope that The Hague War Tribunal will really do something about war criminals and that Karadzic will have moreobligations towards this Court than in the peace negotiating process. And, if this doesn'thappen, then we believe that the key of the problem is in Belgrade and not in Pale. Nevertheless, this war was framed, constructed, premeditated, instructed and assisted byBelgrade, and not village like Pale. In fact, Pale is a village, unfortunately the most popular and noise village in the world. This is no town, no seat. Pale is really just a village fromwhere no aggression could have really been made against a smaller village, and even less, astate. The aggression came from Belgrade and Karadzic's role would be minimized onceBelgrade recognizes Bosnia in its borders. This would put an end to the manipulations withKaradzic's role.

KOHA: There is no institution in Serbia which offers another solution for Bosnia rather thanits division. What will the situation be in the future, and what are the Boshnyaks preparedfor?

PECANIN: I still hope that the International Community will do all it can and insist to preserve the recognized borders of Bosnia. Naturally, it must be admitted that the Serbcriminals have under their control two thirds of the territory of Bosnia and Herzegovina.There are some options in game, and the intentions are: 1. To stop genocide and war inBosnia, 2. Safeguard the external borders and 3. The reintegration of Bosnia andHerzegovina. The latter could be done only through a strong economy, which isindispensable.

KOHA: I would like to remind you that in 1990, no one in Sarajevo believed that there will be war. You believed that the International Community would keep its promise to prevent theexplosion of war. After all of this, you still use the same vocabulary. You still believe in promises...

PECANIN: We have no illusions about the International Community. But we must berealistic and admit that we have no strength to expel all the chetniks from Bosnian territory.We must be realistic. So, the Government of Bosnia and Herzegovina is forced to make acombination of the diplomatic and military forces. The military force must be used in placeswhere the political force doesn't achieve anything. You know that the Bosnian Army hasfought against two occupying armies, that of Croatia and Serbia. All have it clear that Bosniaand Herzegovina is surrounded by enemies and has no possibilities to dislocate any weapons

inside B&H. When to this we add that there is an weapons' embargo against Bosnia and thatall know of the strength and the heritage of the weaponry of the Former Yugoslavia, thenB&H must play the diplomatic games in order to achieve its goals. Not because it trusts thestates and the International Community, but it itself has not the military strength to oust the

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aggressor from its territory.

KOHA: Disappointed at the International Community, you claim that new ways to oust theaggressor are sought in Bosnia. Which would be the means that would bring freedom to

Bosnia?PECANIN: I believe that there is permanent danger to have the present war with diplomaticand military means get a new dimension. The Boshnyaks are a European people who aredeceived by the attitude of the International Community, which has made Sarajevo think thatsuch a tragedy was allowed by the International Community itself, because the Boshnyaks areof Muslim confession. This forces the people in Bosnia to have a negative opinion aboutEurope. And if this continues thus and if the International Community will continue ignoringthe situation, then no method should be excluded.

KOHA: All this defeatism leads us to a question: How's life in Sarajevo?

PECANIN: Hard. I just said that 1000 days since Sarajevo is besieged just passed. On a daily basis you have Serb snipers killing poor people going after bread, water and other necessarythings. The town survived thanks to the humanitarian relief. Only the necessary servicesfunction. Any production is frozen, apart from baking bread, which for a long time was theonly food that people in Sarajevo could eat. Unfortunately, the demographic picture haschanged quite a lot, compared to the one before war. Over 100 thousand outstanding citizens,the most intellectual, most urbanized and the youngest, have fled Sarajevo and refugees fromEastern Bosnia have returned, people who have suffered the worst of the terrors. From this pressure and terror, Sarajevo has become more rural than ever. The other part of the people,

especially men, all of them are on the front-line and this mobilization covers 95%. War isentering its fourth year, and this is why every one is looking for a way out. Fleeing Sarajevo isalmost impossible, and the atmosphere is tense and no one knows how long will it last. Nowwe are coming to the end of the truce and the majority of us would not bear the renewedshelling of the town. It is not a matter of physical force but mental strength, because healthhas deteriorated in the past years.

KOHA: Kosova lives between the virtual and the real, between the propaganda war and theviolent peace, between mythology and the factive presence of 2 million Albanians. From this perspective, will there be war in Kosova?

PECANIN: I want to say that in Bosnia there is an impression that Albanians wasted their chance to struggle for their legitimate rights, and improve their situation while the war inBosnia was going on. The non existence of a political cohesion, a political agreement of allagainst a chauvinistic and fascist concept of Serbia, has made the things easier for Serbia andhas allowed the realization of the ethnic concept of Greater Serbia. When war in Sloveniastarted, Croatia stepped aside. When war in Croatia started, Bosnia remained aside. Whenwar in Bosnia started, Sandzak and Kosova remained aside. All of this helped Serbia,allowing it to fight against each unit separately, instead of having all forces unite and fightsagainst the same enemy and once and forever destroy the ethnic concept of the Greater Serbia. Nevertheless, even though in difficult conditions, we think of Kosova. I am sure that the

problem and question of Kosova doesn't depend only on the behavior of the Albanians.Despite the calmness of the Albanians, the clue to the solution of the problem in Kosovarelies on Serbia. It will decide whether there is war in Kosova or not. One party is,nevertheless, enough for war.

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INTERVIEW

HAJRULLAH TRNAVA, one of the leaders of the Independent Trade Unions of theex-policemen of Kosova

THE MINISTRY OF INTERNAL AFFAIRS OF THE REPUBLIC OF KOSOVA DOES NOT EXIST

Interviewed by GENC SHALA / Frankfurt

KOHA: Could you tell us whether the Ministry of Internal Affairs of the Republic of Kosovaever existed?

TRNAVA: I say it, with the biggest responsibility, that there has never been a Ministry of Internal Affairs. But, as in the case of the framed up trial against the so called Ministry of Defense of Kosova, I think that in this case too, this construction about the arrest of thealleged responsible officials and activists of the MIA of the Republic of Kosova, or as theintensive Serbian propaganda pretends, Albanian para-police, aims at justifying the wildviolence applied against the circa 150 arrested.

It is true that after the massive dismissal of Albanians from the MIA, we organized ourselvesin a branch of the Union of the Independent Trade Unions of Kosova (UITUK), and that wehave permanently dealt with trade-union activities, and no other forms of activities whichwould give a reason to the Serbian regime to treat us, as they pretend to do now. However,this doesn't mean that we had the illusion that the regime would leave us alone.

KOHA: Why do you think Serbia chose this moment to arrest the ex-policemen, knowing thatyour branch has functioned for three years?

TRNAVA: I believe that the arrests of the activists of the TU of the former policemen aimat intimidating the Albanian people and especially the activists in their political parties, so inthe future Albanian-Serb negotiations they (the Serbs) could impose the solutions that would be more favorable for Serbia. In one word, I believe it is insisted to create a climate amongthe Albanians which would make their hopes vanish.

Then, I also think that these arrests and tortures in these dimensions aim at the fulfilment of the promises of the Serbian leaders, proclaimed even 4 or 5 years ago in regard to Kosova andthe Albanians in general, and especially now when Serbs living in the occupied Republic of Kosova have openly started to speak out their disappointment. From the professional aspect, Icould also say that regime such as this one, always puts in action its repressive apparatus inthose moments when it needs to achieve a psychological effect. We could consider theconcrete case as an action for lifting up the morale of the Serb minority in Kosova. I even believe that all this strengthening of violence and repression in Kosova could be looked atfrom this prism.

KOHA: From what you said, it could be concluded that this action could be linked to the

petition of the Serbs from Fush Kosov and their request for the "destruction of the parallelsystem of the Albanians"?

TRNAVA: Without any doubt. It is evident that Belgrade wants to calm down its minority

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here, proving that it is still present in Kosova, be it in even these kinds of real primitive ways,which have been overcome by any civilization in Europe.

KOHA: You mentioned your professionalism, therefore, the question would be, didn't you

and your colleagues notice any signs that there will be massive arrests of ex-policemen?TRNAVA: We had it very clear that since the times we were dismissed, the Serbian policewas following on us. If it hadn't followed all our activities, then it is more than sure that aconsiderable number of activities had been followed. It is not surprising that in the past threeor four years many of us were summoned to the "informative talks", we were mistreated andeven detained. I just want to say that none of us had illusions that what happened wouldn'thappen. The fact is that these arrests could have happened earlier or maybe later, in fact, intimes when this was of political convenience.

KOHA: Do you think that Bilall Idrizi's case was the announcement that such things wouldhappen?

TRNAVA: His case, as well as the case of the mistreatment of other activists, were signalsthat arrests could happen. However, we knew that we were not doing any illegal activity.

KOHA: In the decisions on the extension of the investigations against the ex policemen, it issaid that there was a parallel police which "followed up on the movements of Serbian militaryand police units within the Republic of Kosova", and that "many Serbian officials wereeavesdroped", etc. Is this true?

TRNAVA: I said that we were all members of the TU and were engaged only in TUactivities. It is clear that if we would have been ever engaged in these other activities, theregime would have had us arrested much earlier and not three or four years later.

KOHA: However, there are claims that some disks have been found, containing data on the police interventions and name of policemen engaged in actions, etc. Do you know anythingabout this?

TRNAVA: These are false imputations. They are trying to, through the media, convincetheir public that we were engaged in police activities. It is naive to take the contents of afloppy-disk as an incrimination, when it is clear that the Serbian terror in Kosova istransparent, when the raids against Albanians families take place in the middle of the day andindiscretely, that the names of the killed, wounded and injured are known. Everything is public and are facts not only known to our public but also to the international human rightsorganizations. I wouldn't be surprised to have the Serbian regime accuse Mazowiecki or Helsinki Watch and Amnesty International because they also have data on the Serbian terror in Kosova.

But, I believe that if someone even follows on the movements of police and military forces infront of his home, or who sees how his Serb neighbor is being armed by the police itself, hecommits no crime. It is known that Albanians are not defended, and that all of this is linked to

their fear that a massacre of the population could take place, as it has happened many timesduring this century. How are people supposed to be calm, if only 150 kilometres away fromhere we have the Bosnian tragedy going on.

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Therefore, even if a floppy has been found, it must have been a personal possession of one of the arrested, because we knew that this data was also available in the Council for the Defenceof Human Rights and Freedoms (CDHRF), the Helsinki Committee, etc.

KOHA: According to the statements of the defending attorneys, the investigating judge insiststhat the accused admit that a real arsenal of armament has entered Kosova. What could yousay in regard to this?

TRNAVA: Our TU has never been engaged in any action of the kind. We are all professionals, therefore we would have never allowed ourselves to do so, because we had itclear that such a thing would be impossible to achieve in Kosova. The people have it anywayshard to walk down the streets, could you imagine how hard it would be to illegally bring inweaponry? I also believe that insisting on this construction, the regime pretends to show thatnot all Albanians respect the political movement, that it is heterogenous, and that there aresome militant forces which have come out of the control of the Albanian movement. Thequestion is, which would these forces be, according to Serbia? For sure, the former policemen. But, this is not true.

KOHA: Still according to the defending attorneys, the accusations claims that some lists,containing the names of Serb leaders in Kosova (especially of police officials) which weresupposed to be liquidated, were found. What is your comment?

TRNAVA: I said it already, the Serbian regime will try, by all means, to convince its publicthat something existed and a large group of dangerous people has been arrested. The methodsof the Serbian police are known, torture is very much applicable. Therefore, it is not

surprising if any of the accused, could "admit" and sign any statement which could harm himdirectly.

KOHA: You mean self-accusation?

TRNAVA: Exactly.

KOHA: One of the accused, it is said, had declared that you never accepted former employeesof the State Security in your TU, under the excuse that you didn't trust them, i.e. that theyactually never detached from the Serbian State security. Is this true, and if it is, which was thereal reason?

TRNAVA: Since our branch was established, in the times when we were dismissed, theones who used to work in the Public Security, who were much more than those in the StateSecurity, I don't remember any case, I am referring only to the situation in Prishtina, in whichthe ones working for State Security had left their jobs. Therefore, since they were notdismissed, there was no way for them to become members of our TU. Even if that would havehappened, we couldn't have created a separate branch for them. I also would like to say thatsome of them, even after they were dismissed, never applied for membership in the TU, for they were fearing from the Serbian State Security. They knew how things worked. They had been doing the job until then. However, there was another category, that of those who had

done much harm to their own co-nationals, therefore they could not become again part of thesame people they had harmed so much.

KOHA: Why do you think all this brutality was applied?

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TRNAVA: I think it is also linked to the huge anger the regime felt against us, for we didn'twant to serve it after all what had happened in Kosova. I am convinced that the regime wassure that we would continue working and that, maybe, it would apply this elaborated terror through us. Meaning, that Albanians would shoot, kill, arrest and wound Albanians. This

would be a great propaganda advantage for Serbia. However, the contrary occurred. We,nevertheless, are Albanians and we proved it in public the moment we had to.

KOHA: Do you think that among the 150 arrested, there might be an infiltrated element of theSerbian State Security, who will "admit" and the TU has brought in weapons to Kosova andthe rest. I would say that according to the informations that we have, in Kosova there aresuppositions that this is possible. What do you think?

TRNAVA: Such a possibility exists and I believe the Serbian secret police has also workedin this direction. I wouldn't even exclude that there were spies even during our activities inthe TU. This is normal, because the service is of this kind even in times of peace. On theother hand, it is clear that Serbia wanted to know what were we into. Therefore, we shan'texclude to have individuals infiltrated with the task to put obstacles to the rest or spy on theother accused, and even be used as witnesses.

KOHA: Does this mean that the accused who have not engaged any defending attorneyscould be the ones?

TRNAVA: I wouldn't say it frontally, but this is possible, because this element is coveredwell and it shouldn't raise any suspicions.

KOHA: Do you believe the accused will be condemned?TRNAVA: Knowing the practice so far, I believe that a considerable number of the arrestedwill be found guilty and will be condemned the same way it has happened in any of theframed-up trials so far. This is another of the political trial on line, and unfortunately, I think that a large part of my colleagues will be sentenced. It will largely depend on the politicalsituation which will reign in the next couple of months.

KOHA: Do you find yourself in danger even here, in the West?

TRNAVA: Yes. If you analyze the past, it can be ascertained that any Albanian inside, or outside Kosova is endangered by the Serbian regime. But, this is the fate of all Albanians, of all people under occupation.

DOSSIER

ALBANIANS IN SWEDEN: ASYLUM

by BATON HAXHIU / Stockholm

The past five years have been characterized by a continuous exodus from Kosova. Analyzingsome figures and facts, as well as some articles published in our and foreign newspapers inregard to this problem, the impression is gotten that the position of asylum-seekers in three

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countries: Germany, Switzerland and Sweden, is difficult. The illegal paths to go abroad haveeven caused deaths, those of the infants buried along the way being the most worrying.Recently, because of the prospectless situation and the bad economic and social situation,there are first appearances of criminality, prostitution, hunger-strikes and open dissatisfaction

because of their position.At the same time, the governments of these states have decided to repatriate theseasylum-seekers. On the other hand, Serbia's Government has adopted the posture that allreturnees must undergo verification, which, for this structure of the population, is another proof about their bad position.

The intention of this research in Sweden, aimed at uncovering such a serious situation, e.g.the social situation, the psycho-physical state, the reasons for seeking asylum, their treatment by the Government and a series of other present problems.

Sweden has between 32 and 40 thousand Albanian asylum seekers. Their flow to Swedenstarted at the beginning of the nineties. Without any prospects, beaten, mistreated, arrested,dismissed at no one's mercy, Kosovans started travelling towards Sweden. At the beginningthey were treated as citizens of no-where, because they were coming from a state nonrecognized. They were not treated as citizens of Kosova, either, since Kosova is notrecognized as a state, but they referred to all Kosovans as - Kosovaalbaner. These are the firstapatrides, the Swedes would say, even though their treatment was different at the beginning,and later they lost the respect as privileged citizens in this country. The whole tragic comedyof the Albanians started with the statement of the Swedish Minister of Emigration that"Albanians are thieves by tradition", apologizing the next day for such a statement, which,

according to Swedish attorneys Perry Bratt and Peter Danovski, "was a foolish thing to say,and it doesn't suit ordinary Swedes and even less a Minister". We understand the asylumseekers from Kosova and they should have a special treatment. Sweden is known for itshospitality and such a statement made this minister lose the elections".

The truth is that Albanians were treated the best, and were respected as much as theydeserved to be.

This story about Albanians in Sweden is only the first one, and it will mainly refer to thenegative side of asylum-seeking trying to show the present reality there. There are manystories about Albanian asylum seekers, broadcasts, jokes and anecdotes.

This story describes what is most actual: transportation of Albanians from Sweden toGermany, organized by two Albanians, who had come to Sweden earlier. Of course, all of this is done for big money.

I.

The exclusive broadcast of Swedish TV was accompanied by the song "Niset trimi pr kurbet" ("Abroad goes the valiant"). We knew that is was dedicated to Albanians in Sweden.The title of the episode was "Asylum-seekers without a fatherland" and it described the story

of two Albanians and three Swedes who had dealt with the deportation of 120 Albanianfamilies from Sweden to Germany.

Isuf and Hamdi, are two Albanians from Kosova, who had been living in Sweden over two

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years, and helped the journalists reveal the name of the leader of this organization in chargeof the deportations. They do the job together with some Swedes. It seems that the leader of this organization is a man called Osman Morina. The Swedish police joined the twoAlbanians and Swedish journalists and try to discover the network.

Isuf and Hamdi speak of the tragic fate of the 120 families who asked asylum in Sweden andwere transferred to Denmark, where all of them were arrested because of the irregular documents in their possession.

All the deported were told that they had arrived in Germany, although they were being handedover to the Danish police. Isuf and Hamdi were carrying a camera and at the same timecontacting the two Albanians in charge of the transportation. Osman Morina, the head of thisorganization, works as interpreter in the Directorate of Swedish Emigration, together with hiscousin.

The deportation was done in an old van. Three Swedish drivers were engaged. 16 peopleclimbed the van. We were happy to go over. We had just been expelled from Germany. Wehad no problems to cross the border. On the other side, they told us that we have reachedGermany and that we should report to the police and ask for asylum. We paid 12 thousandDEM and did as we were told. We reported to the police, but we couldn't communicate withthe German policemen. It seemed to be another language. We told them we wanted asylum inGermany, that we were Albanians from Kosova. They asked for some documents, and we hadnone. Kosovaalbaner...la...la..la..., they were saying something. We didn't understand a thing.They took us on a van to a place that looked like a prison. It was full of Albanians. They toowere fooled, one said. Osman brought them here. And each one of them started to tell their

story. Aren't we in Germany, I asked. No brother, we are in a Danish prison. This is also done by Albanians. Three families decided to come, we paid all that money, and finally ended up in prison.

The story goes on, and the journalist comments: Every day, three buses transportedAlbanians. These are the so called refugee buses. Thousands of Albanians are being expelledfrom Sweden. Now, you see, this is one of those buses. Almost 450 people a week areexpelled, that is why the organizations dealing with asylum-seekers' trafficking haveincreased in numbers. Albanians buy a lot of things for their children. This is a sign that theyare being expelled. Their faces were as of corpses, not knowing where were they headedtowards.

Isuf and Hamdi returned to Sweden together with their families. They go to the police andreport about their case, and offer their services to catch the traffickers. The first thing they dois call Osman. The phone was bugged. And the dialogue is the following:

Isuf: Hello Osman.

Osman: Who is it?

Isuf: You took five thousand Marks from me, guaranteeing that my family would safely reach

Germany.Osman: I told my guys to do it, and they probably did it. That's it. (he hangs).

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Osman Morina promised that in case they are not deported to Germany, he would pay back the money.

Isuf says that Morina is 1,70 m tall, black hair and eyes and thin. He does all the job in

cooperation with Ismet. We were looking for a safer place, we were trying to evade going back to Kosova, because of all what is happening there, and we were tricked, continues Isuf.

This organization has deceived many Albanians in all asylum-seekers' camps.

There are many families, keeps on the voice of the journalist, who are awaiting to be deportedthe same way. The organization has also bought an old vehicle, and together with a group of Swedes, is taking Albanian asylum-seekers to different states. A bus, also owned by theorganization, was behind the vehicle. Seventy people departed on this occasion. All of it isorganized. The police knows this but no one can stop the ones who want to leave Sweden.Especially if they are foreigners. The border policemen show that this car has many timescrossed the border and that we are being followed. And, really, Osman, Ismet and Pierre, hadalready files in the police.

The car would start first and then the bus. The vehicle, first crossed the border. As soon as thecustoms officer would approach them, they would speed up and escape from there. The policewould start running after and now it was not hard for the bus to cross the border. But then, itwould stop somewhere in the middle. All of us were told to step down and we were left onthe street. Afterwards, all of us ended in prison.

The next topic was Morina, and the ways he was discovered by the police. Since Isuf had his

phone number, they decided to contact his wife. They called, and she said that he wasgambling. It was in a place called Bigolo. Before getting hold of Osman, the first thing was totalk to Pierre, who helped the deportation of Albanians. He was working only as a driver.They had engaged a Swede, so both the Swedish and Danish police wouldn't suspect. Pierreshowed the pictures of the deported families. For the driving job, he was supposed to be paid10 thousand Swedish crowns. He never got the money, because of the way out to Germany hewas caught. None of the families had passports, says Pierre, and we were not allowed tocontinue. Then they asked me whether I could take the families back to Sweden. Pierre saidyes. I came back to Denmark, and of course I violated the law. They shut us all in prison. Allof us got a 30 days' sentence. The Danish police has banned me the entrance to Denmark until1998 . The organization (the League, as he calls the Albanians who deport Albanians), never paid me, because this time I had not fulfilled my task.

At the end, Pierre was asked what would he said to Osman and Ismet if he would see themagain. Nothing, Pierre said, I would just tell them that I need some money.

*****

Ismet Shala is a Swedish citizen since 1985. During the police interrogation, he refuses allaccusations. "I have nothing to do with this", he claims.

Police: You have never taken anyone abroad?Ismet: No, never.

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Police: Never? Are you lying?

Ismet: No, no way.

Police: Say the truth, you are lying.Ismet: I am telling the truth.

The police shows their photographs, and shows that these photographs were taken in differentcheck-points. The police also tells that this activity had been widespread and that only sevenSwedish citizens had been engaged in it. Just calculate how many families could have beendeported by the Swedish drivers. So far, this League has transferred to Denmark, Germanyand elsewhere around 5 thousand people at the price of 450 thousand DEM.

Ismet continues denying his implication.

Police: And was there someone else implied?

Ismet: Yes!

Police: A while ago you said that you had nothing to do with it. You are lying!

Ismet: You Swedes should be happy that I am removing Albanians from Sweden, without anycompensation!

Police: So the Swedes should be happy that you are "helping" Sweden?Ismet: Yes, by all means!

Police; And why have you charged for this?

Ismet: I haven't taken much money.

Police: It doesn't matter how much, it is important that you have taken money. How much?

Ismet: Just to cover the expenses. (End of dialogue)

******

Two of the deceived, Isuf and Hamdi, continued looking for Osman in Bigolo. That was the best way to contact him, through them. They placed the camera in a bag and got in. There wasOsman, in a huge room with thousands of people inside, gambling. Osman was concentrated,and he noticed no one aside. Isuf touched him, and de-concentrated him for a while.

Isuf: Come with me, I have some business with you. I want to disappear from here. Howcould I?

Osman: I haven't much time. Wait.

Isuf: Only five minutes.

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OSMAN: Wait in the corridor. I'll be right there.

Isuf and Hamdi did as they were told.

Osman didn't know them. They had spoken on the phone, while Osman had taken 5 thousandDEM from Isuf's family, for the unsuccessful ride to Germany.

Isuf: You idiot! You have transported 120 families and plundered 400 thousand DEM.

Osman: (surprised) I?!

Isuf: You, you son of a bitch!

Osman: Don't you swear on me...

Isuf: Give me back five thousand DEM or I will tear your mouth!

Osman: Where should I get 5 thousand DEM? They are split. The job is done.

Then come the fists and blows...

The dialogue with the policeman.

Police: Why have you taken Albanians abroad and why did you take money from them?

Osman: Find me only one person who will claim that I have taken money, I'll immediately goto prison.

Police: We have tapes on your activities. Listen to yourself. This is how you talk to a needy person: "You're going to ride in the car, and the children go back in the trunk. The expenses.If you're caught, you don't pay, however you have to pay in advance. Many have done so, andhave thanked me thousand of times.

The police did nothing to arrest Osman. He went back and continued gambling. His gambler'slife continues. He lives form the money he took away from Albanians.

*****

The rent-a Car representative was also interrogated.

- Did you believe that your car was being used for this activity?

- I had my doubts, for they always said they were going to Frankfurt.

- Do you know that even 16 people rode on your car?

- I knew that something was wrong. I found many things inside, but I don't believe that 16 people could get inside! Unbelievable!!!

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*****

Now Osman says that he was paid 12 thousand DEM (60 thousand Swedish Crowns) for sucha ride, from the 16 people. The back side was "packed up" with children, even two year old.

We almost went crazy when we opened the van, says the Swedish policeman.Another Swedish woman says that she had transported asylum-seekers abroad, but does notidentify herself.

-What do you think about the guys who have tricked the asylum-seekers?

- They are real pigs. They threatened me for having reported them, and once I am out, I willnot know how will I face them.

- Why aren't these people condemned? - was the question directed to the Swedish authorities.

- The crime was committed outside the Swedish borders, and there is no law which canincriminate them for the committed crime.

Osman Morina and Ismet Shala continue their activities and still transport Albanians. Theycan't be arrested pursuant to the Swedish law. It seems that they have a connection in thehierarchy, or as Shala said it himself, the Swedish wish to have Albanians leaving. TheSwedish police knew all of this, and the fact that it undertook nothing, remains a burden in itsconscience. In the meantime, Ismet and Osman continue living in their own villas.