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The weekly Koha (The T imes) was published in Prishtina (Kosovo) between 1994 and 1997. E dited by VetonSurroi, a young Kosovar journalist and one of the pioneers of democratisation in former Y ugoslavia, Koha

soon became a symbol of quality among the region's media. In 1997 it started to be published daily under the

name of Koha Ditor. With the kind permission of Mr. Surroi, Koha digests were originally posted on

http://koha.estudiosbalcanicos.org.

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Koha Digest # 64

EDITORIAL

THE SCENT OF A JULY FIELD AT THE HOTEL

by VETON SURROI

This one too was similar to the other of its ranking. Clean, with wide beds and drawers, a

large and bright bathroom with different soaps produced by English manufacturers (in the

style of the beginning of this century), with the scent of July fields in its halls... Naturally, it

also had TV sets and the inevitable satellite TV programs, headed by emperor CNN. And,

naturally, uniformed staff, usually wearing maroon, who salute you each time they pass

beside you.

Hotels have become a sort of uniforms, and the one I was accommodated in last week in

Belgrade didn't differ much from the broad list of hotels which hosted me during my often

travels abroad. As many things, hotels of the American model are samples for many hotels

built around Europe and wider, and this one was no exception.

Naturally, as any other, this hotel too has its special history. It was built in the Yugoslavia of

the seventies, when money was pouring from all over, and it always hosted the participants of

the Cold War meetings, CSCE meeting, the Non-Aligned Countries Summit... Now it

remains empty, so empty that you can see only 20 guests in the breakfast room: Greekbusinessmen, people who do business with who knows what and speak Russian, two young

persons wearing sports jackets and something around the waist that resembled a pager.

But, the suspicious faces one could see, in a way were not important last week, when an

international meeting took place, and in which I too participated. The people from different

areas of the Former Yugoslavia and the world gathered around a table are an image that can

be registered today in many hotels of the world which offer their services for the organization

of such meetings, but it has been long ago since such a thing was seen in Belgrade.

"If Serbia wants to become democratic, it must get rid of Kosova", said an American

participant, a proclaimed friend of the Serbs and Serbia, at the round table. After thisdiscussion, during lunch, this surprised participant admitted that some years ago his

ascertainment would have drawn many negative consequences from the Serb environment.

Today, nevertheless, this can also be said in Serbia.

Exterritoriality? The fact that an American hotel, somehow outside the state it is in, implies

another behavior of the people? Maybe this is possible. Nevertheless, it could be more that

time is changing. And people in it.

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DIALOGUE

A HIGHWAY TO KOSOVA

by YLBER HYSA / Belgrade

The international round table "Democratic Processes and

International Relations" celebrated last week at the

"Intercontinental Hotel" in Belgrade, attempted to start a debate

with quite ambitious goals. Participants from Belgrade, Novi Sad,

Novi Pazar, Prishtina, USA and different European states tried

to find answers to many questions imposed by the disintegration

of the the Former Yugoslavia, the possibilities for

democratization and the discussion about inter-ethnic relations

within this context. Apart from participants from Serbia and

Kosova, other participants were also people holding political andscientific posts, as Wimmer from the OSCE Assembly, Imben, the

Vice-President of the European parliament, Arens from the ICFY,

Kasoff from Princeton, Bianchini from the University of Bologna,

etc. The meeting, which was not completely open to the media,

didn't conceal the satisfaction of the organizer for having

gathered so many participants from different parts. The first

part of the meeting was an attempt to explain the reasons of the

conflict in Yugoslavia and the internal motives (the "inherited

partisan conscience about resistance against the whole world" -

Desimir Tosic, or "the closed national-Communist economy of '74"- Vuckovic) or the external motives ("why did the second

Yugoslavia fall apart in the same lines as the previous one" -

asked Academician Macura and "what was the role of the

foreigners" - asked Stojanovic). This introduction feared to

become a broad theorization, but became very concrete with the

speech of one of the mediators, Alean Kasoff, Director of the

Project for Inter-Ethnic Relations of Princeton University, who

said that it was known that Yugoslavia would play an important

role in the fate of the Balkans and that if Serbs don't face

this, then the democratic processes will be slow here, meanwhile

"Serbia has set the demarkation lines between itself and Europe -at the cost of itself and its citizens". America understands its

role in the assistance towards European integration, he said,

while Micunovic, from the "Democratic Center", also one of the

organizers of this meeting, explained in his introductory

statement that the former concept of sovereignty on non-

involvement in internal affairs was surpassed long ago!

The first session, apart from the abstract theorizing and a ping-

pong about the causes and the blame for the destruction of the

SFRY, could also be stressed with Rasim Ljajic's statement, whosaid that insisting to claim that this is a civil and religious

war, means that the real reasons of the war are trying to be

concealed. The government here can't wash its hands from this war

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with statements about peace - said Ljajic, but with mechanisms

which will stop hatred, to add later that the thesis on the

impossibility of coexistence of nations in Bosnia would mean that

Serbs and Muslims can't live together in Sandzak either!

The continuation started with the first remark of the Kosovan

participants that the continuation of the conversation about the

need of the democratization of the FRY implies a fait accompli

which can't stand from the legalistic point, but also because the

juridical status of Kosova was ruined with the use of violence

and without the will of the people (Surroi). In this aspect, it

is interesting to stress a reaction of Gert Arens according to

whom "FRY" is not a creature created with the consumption of the

right to self-determination. The second remark in this aspect

came from Fehmi Agani who through "a retrospective digression"

elaborated why Kosova can't be treated as a problem of minoritiesand why self-determination is the most compatible framework for

this aspect. The reaction of the other participants to these

remarks was not noisy and there was quite some tolerance,

normally, differing, in this case, the standard Serb standpoints

about the solution within the borders of Serbia or maybe even a

compromise solution (Percevic from SPS and some other

participants) which could have created the impression that the

participants didn't want to "burden" the meeting with many

arguments, but maybe more with a willingness to talk, even more

knowing that this was the first time in which representatives ofdifferent political structures were gathered in one place.

Nevertheless, dissonant tones were heard - Kosova can't be

observed in the ranking of the minorities in Sandzak and

Vojvodina, as Tosic said, or "there are too many Albanians to

call them a minority" - as Ilija Djukic from the Democratic

Party, and former Foreign Minister in Panic's government ( and

such postures were also heard from Pal Sandor and Rasim Ljajic).

In this context, what Paul Shoup, the American expert on inter-

ethnic relations in the Former Yugoslavia, said, was interesting:

"The democratization of Serbia depends on Kosova!".

Maybe the list of non-ordinary statements can also include

Micunovic's statement in the part where he spoke of the need to

calm down the passions, talk about Bosnia and Knin and also about

solutions for Kosova which could go over the broad autonomy.

Finally, if "a million Albanians want this, why shouldn't there

be talks about it"! If the mentioned figure used to describe the

number of Albanians is not a lapsus lingua, then it could be a

suggestion, maybe a solution for half of the Albanians! Such

parallelism became even broader in the session about the purposesof the Serbian national program, which among others should give

an answer about what is the real Serbian national interest in

Kosova. "The war had also wrong definitions of national programs,

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based on ethnic-concepts" said Dusko Janjic, who in his statement

about the "equality" of the Serbian people in Bosnia was asked

by Behlul Beqaj whether the status of Serbs is looked upon from

the geo-political and democratic aspect, for according to this

logic, Albanians too have the right to "equality". In regard tothe definitions of the goals of the Serbian national program, it

was mainly discussed on the grounds of the needs for

democratization and integration in European processes and

especially economic strengthening, but there were also approaches

grounded on "interests" (Academician Macura).

In this aspect, the statement delivered by the Vice-President of

the European parliament, who according to a narration on the flow

of integration of the Eastern states in European structures,

declared that states like Serbia, Montenegro, Bosnia and

Macedonia as "black holes" of this Europe and they are nowhere!

Anyhow, this meeting which tried to give answers to many acute

questions, "threw" the issue of Albanian-Serb relations, which

within the "democratic processes" was focused the most during

this gathering. The discussion about this problem came as result

of analysis of the actual situation, including the recent

diplomatic pressures in relation between Washington and Belgrade

(Frasure-Milosevic talks, or the meeting between Christopher and

Rugova). This is how could the joint discussions of the

representatives of the ruling party and the others, especiallythe Albanians. This is how maybe Percevic's public pronunciation

can be explained. He declared to some Belgrade media that Serbia

is ready and open to a dialogue with Albanians, i.e., that

"Albanians have an open path towards dialogue". This meeting too

- said the vice-chairman of the SPS at the end of the meeting,

"proves the tolerance reigning in Belgrade"! This statement,

combined with the need for public pronouncement, as if it

intended to achieve two things: to be used in times of pressures

against Belgrade (about the recognition of Bosnia) for external

needs, to show that Belgrade is willing to have a dialogue with

Albanians, and on the other hand use it for internal needs, toassure the "highway" for dialogue with Albanians even without the

assistance of "the third party". Translated into diplomatic

language, this means buying time in the unpleasant situation of

pressures. But, on the other hand, Agani replied to this public

pronunciation by saying that "The round table was not a Serb-

Albanian conversation"!

Anyhow, it is not easy to dispute the good intention of the

meeting, if it is understood as a willingness to solve problems

with political means. But, how big is the capacity of theseriousness to approach the conversations and how should this be

understood outside the doors of this meeting? This is maybe the

announcement of the possibilities of discussing some segments of

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the Kosovan crisis, something like education, sports, etc., for

there were rumours about this in the hall-ways... Even more, the

visible presence of "Nova Demokratija" in this meeting, which

participates in the government coalition, suggests some possible

directions of the future contact between Belgrade and Prishtina.

The preparations, in the sense of the offers for contacts are

visible in this Party, while the vice-premier of Serbia, who is

also member of this party, was the host to all participants of

this meeting (but the ones from Kosova). Krstic, with his

balanced rhetoric tried to show the guests, especially the

foreigners, that there was willingness for dialogue and

democratization.

How much is this willingness a disposition imposed by the

circumstances, or a wish to overcome the problems, this could beseen from the conversion of the will into something concrete. It

seems as if in this "conversion", Belgrade is somewhere between

the amortization of the foreign pressure and the inertia to

continue the standard policy towards Kosova. Maybe between these

two extremes, segmentary talks about sports and education could

be expected...

And maybe this is the "road" towards dialogue with Albanians

announced by the SPS vice-chairman!? If the logic of this one

sided path is followed, then Albanians will have only the side-walk. Unless Percevic is told that the way to Kosova has to pass

through an international highway...

INTERVIEW

ISMAIL KADARE, Writer

THE LIMIT OF THE PEOPLE'S DIGNITY

Interviewed by YLBER HYSA / Budapest

KOHA: The fact that today we are in the conference of the Soros

Foundation makes me ask you whether you believe in the

possibility of an Open Society in the Balkans?

KADARE: The fact that I am here means that I believe that it is

possible.

KOHA: Despite the war in the Former Yugoslavia, you still havehopes?

KADARE: Naturally, of course there is hope...

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KOHA: In your last works you deal with non-Albanian topics. What

is the artistic motivation of Ismail Kadare today?

KADARE: I am a writer, I have been and I will always be. I have

no other motivation, a different one and I hope I will be thesame I am today. Writers don't change so fast...

KOHA: The letter you wrote on your way our from Albania made many

say that when Kadare criticizes someone, then things are bad.

They say Kadare is again criticizing presidents. Could you tell

us some more about the transition in Albania. What is good an

what is bad?

KADARE: The question is too broad and it requires several

responses. Naturally, Albania has gone through big changes. There

are very good, and happy things and no one can deny this, as noone can deny the bad things. The best thing was the overthrow of

a dictatorship, the establishment of a totally new order, despite

the weaknesses it has, regardless of even the circumstances

created afterwards and that can be created in the future. One

thing is sure - the overthrown regime will not come back and no

one can deny this.

KOHA: What do you think about Kosova today?

KADARE: I spoke about Kosova many times and I still have the sameopinion I used to have. I believe that Kosova must be much more

present, feel alive, not to feel non existing. I believe a lot

of noise is made about an alleged presence in all international

fora, but the truth is a bit different I believe. There is

enormous silence covering the issue of Kosova and there is not

that much noise as advertised in Albania or Kosova, and I believe

that all of us should be worried about this and force ourselves

to do something to break this deep silence.

KOHA: In one place, when referring to Kosova you said that a

fistful of Chechens can fight an Empire. What did you concretelythink of?

KADARE: I am against adventures in the Balkans and I am against

adventures in Kosova. I am not an inciter of any irresponsible

acts, but I believe that any people, regardless of the

circumstances should not surpass the limit of humiliation and

should not stand what can't be born. When I mentioned the example

of the Chechens, I meant that my impression was that Kosova is

fearing the Serbs too much...

KOHA: Is this a criticism of the peaceful course?

KADARE: Take it as you wish, I am not against peaceful resistance

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and policy, but I am against, absolutely against the humiliation

of one people. No normal people in the world could bear

humiliation. And when it comes to humiliation, I don't care what

is pacifism and what not... To me, any doctrine which is valuable

is reasonable, but when it becomes absurd then it looses thevalue.

KOHA: You have denied having declared that to get the Nobel Prize

one has to either be Slavic or originating from the third

world...

KADARE: These are invented by journalists or transformed talks

from a dinner or lunch. However, I have never made such

statements to the press. These are different comments of

irresponsible persons and I never said that one had to be Slavic,

Vietnamese or Chinese to win the Nobel Prize...

KOHA: How do you explain the tendency of anti-Kosovanism in

Albania?

KADARE: After the dictatorship fell apart, it was expected that

new forces, which would weaken Albanians even further, would

appear. The first divisions appeared in Albania, the first

divisions on confessional grounds up North and the South, of

divisions in culture... and this is a part of a general and

tragic psychosis. I believe that anti-Kosovanism is exaggeratedas a problem and that it is not that upsetting, but it is

realistic because there are some tensions in certain circles in

Albania, which has not such deep roots, but mainly relies of the

moral, first of all. In certain circumstances, it should get

colossal dimensions. I would just remind you that when the German

army entered Albania, the decisive order of their headquarters

was to be very careful with Albanian women and girls... and the

Germans knew the Albanian psychology very well. And I believe

that Albanians are not so moralistic in everyday life in Albania

or Kosova, but they are affected when this attempt against their

moral comes from outside, especially seeing that it was comingfrom their brothers, the Kosovans. This was inflated and

exaggerated and got unpredictable dimensions. I believe that

three fourths of this nervousness relies on these moral issues,

it is accidental and has nothing to do with differences between

people from Albania and Kosova. It would have been better if this

would have been condemned by Kosovans themselves, but I believe

that this can be overcome.

KOHA: Couldn't this also be perceived within a general anomaly

which resulted from the lack of communication, for Albaniansstill continue having a "Berlin War" which divides them...

KADARE: Naturally, and the nervousness which happened in Germany

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and which still continues shouldn't be forgotten. After many

years of isolation and divisions, these excesses appear. A great

love is expected, it doesn't appear, and disappointment arises,

and it is something that happens very often and I don't perceive

this as a specific problem. Such a misunderstanding occurred inAlbania. However, I would also say that nervousness towards

Albania also exists in Kosova. I have read in the press too that

some Kosovans, on their way back from Albania, say what is worse

about Albania and, you see, this is a bit mutual.

KOHA: In your presentations you have also criticized the

situation in Macedonia, especially after the events related to

the University of Tetova.

KADARE: I am not a politician, I am a man of literature and

without analyzing the political situation in Macedonia which isvery complicated, and without considering the postures of the

Albanian and Macedonian policies regarding each-other or the

Balkans situation in general, I would want to say that the

Albanian population in Macedonia, has the absolute right to have

education in its own language at all levels. And there can be no

excuses, justifications, alibis. I can't ever accept that the

request to have a University, for culture, be received with

weapons, bullets and by the police. I don't care about any

doctrine, or theory. When a people wants culture you should offer

the possibilities for it. Albanians didn't ask to throw minesagainst Macedonia, they asked for a University and this should

be respected without any discussions.

REFUGEES

STAY THERE...

by VESNA BJEKIC / AIM / Belgrade

Each refugee story is special, but the fate of 70 thousand people

living illegally in Serbia, as estimated by the Serbian

Commissariat for Refugees can be easily known, surely because of

the fear from deportation to the other side of the Drina. The

story of those who undergo administrative revision from time to

time is not pleasant either. The one-year long campaign of

revision ended precisely last month, when 365 thousand refugee

cards were issued and 90 thousand were revoked. At the same time,

35 thousand people are still awaiting for the end of the revision

exercise.

We belong to no one. We are apatrides. We are some kind of

citizens, but this subjectivity is not recognized - says Dr.

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Milorad Muratovic, Chairman of the Association for the Assistance

of Refugees and Persecuted People, once professor of sociology

in Sarajevo. We are conscious that the sanctions, social shocks

and economic problems in our new place of residence, make the

situation of our hosts even more difficult...But it is sure thatthe refugees suffer the most. Nevertheless, we are affected the

most because we are aliens in our own state and because no one

has a program to solve our problem.

In the official statements it is still calculated that 95% of the

refugees are hosted by friends and relatives and that 5% live in

collective centers. According to data provided by the above

Association, the situation in respect to the accommodation of the

refugees is totally different: while one part of refugees has

some shelter, the majority are forced to manage on their own:

they live in rented apartments, they cope as best as they can,they work illegally so they can pay the rent and buy some food.

The fates of the refugees have turned into statistical figures

and the burden of many consciences. But they also became a very

good currency for settling bargains between the government in

Serbia and the one on the other side of the Drina. Even though

it can't be proven officially, refugees served as means of trade

with the blue-helmets taken hostage, whose liberation rewarded

Milosevic with the aureole of a peacemaker, but the mobilization

of refugees - draft age men, which was conducted in the threepast weeks by the Krajina police with the full assistance of the

local police in Serbia, just proves this supposition. The

Government of Serbia says nothing about the arrest and forcible

mobilization of refugees, as if nothing has happened. Vukasin

Jokanovic, Federal Minister of Interior, after many presented

proofs on the forcible mobilization , declared to the journalists

that "he is not informed that there is any mobilization going on

in FRY".

When the government evaluated that the public could verify the

claims about mobilization, the MUP of Serbia appeared with acommunique explaining that "it is an organized identity check-up

of people who are not citizens of our country, who have not

reported their residence and who have not settled their status".

As if allegedly these referred to people "who are involved in

criminal activities and provoke the citizens...". The fact that

among the mobilized there are many citizens of the FRY, whose

families don't know of their whereabout since many days, or who

call from the front, or the case of Mirko Drljaca who is a legal

FRY resident, and who was shot by an automatic-gun burst andheavily injured in his legs for this reason, are explained as

"small mistakes" which will be emended.

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The actual problem of forced mobilization covered up the issue

of small humanitarian assistance for refugees. This is a topic

upon which the FRY Government, international humanitarian

organizations and refugees agree fully. In the Serbian

Commissariat for Refugees they claim that the refugees here arediscriminated as when compared to the refugees in Croatia. At the

Yugoslav and Serbian Red Cross they show us the half-empty

warehouses and they tell us that international assistance for

refugees has been cut, and the funds for social programs have

ceased to exist. According to Rade Dubajic, from the Federal Red

Cross, during last year international humanitarian organizations

sent a total of 65.136 tons of different goods (food, medicines,

clothes, hygienic items), meaning that each month there were

around 5,5 tons arriving. This assistance has been reduced at the

beginning of this year to three tons per month. It is expected

that the assistance will be reduced for an additional ton in thesecond semester of this year.

This decrease of the assistance is a result of the fatigue of the

donors because of the extension of the war, meanwhile there are

new crises of war in the world. Only what exists can be shared -

and this is not enough, even though the FRY has taken half of

the IFRC assistance destined for the Former Yugoslavia.

In ECHO they state that assistance is being reduced constantly

and that there are no more parcels of 15 kilos. Now they weight

only 3 kilos. According to evaluations from Geneva, thisreduction came because of the improvement of the situation,

compared to the previous two years. On the other hand, this

organization has sent assistance worth 956 millions of ECUs.

Used to the previous humanitarian assistance, refugees evaluate

that the assistance they are presently receiving is not only

symbolic but caricatural.

ECHO's monthly parcel contains a litter of oil, a kilo of sugar,

a package of pasta and cans.

Who can live on that...

INTERVIEW

EMILIJA SIMOSKA, Minister of Education of the Republic of

Macedonia

"THE UNIVERSITY OF TETOVA IS A POLITICAL PROJECT"

Interviewed by SELADIN XHEZAIRI / Shkup

KOHA: In daily vocabulary, the word "reformation" is broadly

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used. What can be said in reference to the reformation of

education in Macedonia after independence. Did it get rid of the

"values" of the previous system?

SIMOSKA: There have been changes, first of all, the text-bookshave been cleansed from ideology. However, not much has been done

in the sense of changing the curricula. The radical changes will

start now. A reformation of the educational system and the

contents of the curricula are ahead of us. In this direction,

lets say, we have "unburdened" the books, especially those of

geography and history, The new school year will start with both

new books and curricula which will be containing at least 20 to

25% less material, which was considered a burden for the pupils.

Another new thing is the incorporation of specific details in the

books destined for the lectures in the languages of thenationalities. There will be a "strengthening" of the books of

history, music with contents from national culture and history.

Those can't be the same. We are working hard on this, and I

believe that we will have good news by the beginning of the

school year. From this year we will start with totally changed

books and curricula.

KOHA: Let's concentrate a bit on the education in Albanian. As

the most responsible person of this ministry, what is your

opinion, and how do you perceive the problems Albanian educationis facing?

SIMOSKA: The problems are different in Albanian education. They

are specific in elementary and also in secondary education and

are completely different in superior education. In elementary

education we can't speak of serious problems, but in the high

schools there are two problems: the quality of studies and that

of the teachers. Something should be done in this aspect. There

are drastic differences between the education provided in towns

and that in the villages. This is not only characteristic among

the Albanian population, but it becomes more evident because ofthere is more Albanian rural population. This is one of our

priorities, and we must undertake something urgent in this

aspect, because this circumstance determines the tempo of the

inclusion of students n the superior education system. The main

reason why such a small number of Albanian students manages to

inscribe in the University is that they can't pass the admittance

exam, and this takes us back to the problem with secondary

education where something should change radically so there can

be more Albanian students. Because the present number of Albanian

students is low and not satisfactory. We should also insist tohave more females attending school.

The new legal solutions offer new things in reference to the

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superior education of Albanians. For example, it regulates the

famous issue that caused so many problems, the one regarding the

professional training of teachers. Pedagogical academies have now

become faculties. The studies last four years and the quality of

the teachers should be much better than before. The curriculumwill also be completely new. I believe that we will have certain

problems, as is the teaching staff, i.e. professors that should

satisfy the University criteria.

Another thing is that the department of Albanology, which exists

since long ago will double its students this year. The idea is

also that it should not be restricted to the studies of the

language, but the idea is to have a broader cultural and historic

approach, so we could really refer to the studies of Albanology

and not only a department of the Faculty of Philology. This

project is also supported by the University. The legal solutionsoffer the possibility to have groups of subjects in different

faculties and which are linked to the preservation and the

cultivation of the national identity and culture lectured in the

languages of the nationalities. This would of course be done in

accordance with the number of students, their interest and the

available staff.

This is the framework which, we expect, will increase the number

of Albanian students.

KOHA: Any concrete figures?

SIMOSKA: The present figure will not remain. It will not be 6.7%,

but it will grow!

KOHA: How do you perceive the University of Tetova which has been

declared by your government as anti-statal and illegal, and which

however, still continues functioning?

SIMOSKA: This is an illegal institution and this is undisputable.

Even if there wouldn't be any constitutional obstacles, it canbe tolerated to just decide to open a university in a certain

place and appoint the professors. This is not the way to

establish an institution. From this aspect, I perceive it as

illegal, non-registered. But, it is evident that this initiative

has nothing to do with the unsolved problems in the University.

Because they will be solved maybe a little slower, but it is fact

that a large part of them have been overcome, while the other

initiative proves that one with the other have nothing to do. I

relay perceive it as a political and not educational project. If

it were an educational initiative, then it would have beencalculated on having the students inscribed in legal universities

where they can get official diplomas which will be valid not only

in this state but also abroad.

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KOHA: The organizers of this University claim that the only

different between UT and the Universities in Shkup and Manastir

is the language. The curriculum remains the same. What is the

content of the draft act on education. Does it allow the

foundation of private universities?

SIMOSKA: Private universities are not only foreseen by law but

also in the Constitution. Nevertheless, this doesn't change the

problem of the language. It remains as stated in the

constitution: the lectures in it can't be 100% in another

language, be it even in one of foreign languages. This is why we

say that there are groups of subjects which can be lectured in

one of the languages of the nationalities or foreign languages.

There is no difference in this direction and the rumors that

there can be a University in English but not in Albanian are nottrue.

KOHA: I remember that Minister of Interior Frckovski had declared

that there could maybe be a University in an foreign language

and/or Macedonian but that a University in Albanian will not be

allowed.

SIMOSKA: Education can't be covered 100% by a foreign language.

The criteria is the same: in this state no one will give

advantage to foreign languages as opposed to those of thenationalities in Macedonia. The criteria are valid for all.

KOHA: Therefore the so called trilingual university is still

actual and it will not be banned?

SIMOSKA: Yes it is actual and it will not be banned. We can have

a university or faculty in which 50% of the studies will be

conducted in English, for example, and then the other part in

Macedonian and maybe some part in Albanian. This doesn't mean

that this university must be private, it can be also organized

within the frame of the state universities. There can't be 100%language-wise clean universities in other languages, not because

someone wants to restrict the languages, but we want to evade the

segregation of the populations.

KOHA: The impression is that the Government and your ministry,

although you were not heading it then, reacted to this problem

a bit late. It even reacted through the police first...

SIMOSKA: I don't know, but when I ask myself how should it have

been reacted then, I can't find the answer. How was thatinitiative supposed to be stopped? At the beginning, the reason

stated the unsolved status of the Pedagogical Academy, i.e. that

this had forced the creation of the University. The problem with

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the Academy is solved, and the University continues. They are not

related at all. This is why I perceive it as a political and not

educational initiative. And this is way I stated that this issue

is not part of my sector, but another sector of the government.

KOHA: What stands behind this initiative, according to you?

SIMOSKA: For sure not the education of students. I am sorry that

many young people can be tricked so easily and believe that they

will find prosperity in these private houses turned into class-

rooms. This worries me as Minister of Education. If there are

over 500 students who wish to continue their studies and who pay

for a non-valid diploma, this worries me. I wish to see them

integrated in the legal educational system. As much as there is

interest for that.

KOHA: The people for the UT have the same hope: that they will

once become part of the educational system of Macedonia!

SIMOSKA: If it falls within the framework and legal

possibilities, as I said, there can be private universities.

INTERVIEW

BOGDAN DENICH, Sociologist

THE SPACE OF THE PRESENT SERBIAN DISAPPOINTMENT MUST BE TAKEN

ADVANTAGE OF

Interviewed by DUKAGJIN GORANI / Paris

Prof. Bogdan Denich is professor at the New York University,

sociologist, citizen of Croatia originating from Belgrade who

lives in the island of Brac, member of presidencies of two

political parties in Croatia and collaborator of oppositiondemocratic groups in Serbia.

KOHA: There is no doubt you are in movement constantly...

DENICH: Yes. I usually spend four months of the year in New York,

I am a lecturer of the New York University. One month and a half

I spend in Chiapas, Mexico, the place where the well known

rebellion of the Zapatistas took place. I cooperate with the

peasants' movement and the political left which represents their

rights. However, most of the time I am in Croatia. There, I amactive in two political parties: in the Action of Social-

Democrats of Croatia chaired by Mika Tripalo and whose general

vice-chairman I am, and the Party of dalmatian Action, since I

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live in Dalmatia. I believe that these two parties are the real

strugglers for human rights and democracy in Croatia, under the

deep shadow of the political regime today.

KOHA: What is the situation in Croatia like today?

DENICH: Very difficult. And I believe it will continue being the

same until Krajina is not reintegrated under Croatian rule. This

extremely conflictive issue for Croatia will be the axis which

will serve to different ministers as material to build their own

policies. I believe that Krajina must remain an indivisible part

of Croatia, granting it the wider autonomy possible under

international guarantees - because the same way Albanians

distrust the Serbian rule in Kosova, in the same way Croat Serbs

distrust the Croatian regime.

KOHA: What about the famous Z-4 plan...

DENICH: I believe that the solutions it offers are quite good and

that Serbs are really wrong if they reject it. In this case, I

must draw a parallelism - and I don't believe that your readers

will like it - that between the position of Serbs in Croatia and

the Kosova Albanians, which are almost identical.

KOHA: Maybe there is similarity only at first sight...

DENICH: I believe that there are similarities, nevertheless. At

least in the eyes of the international public. Because, in both

sides we are referring to ancient populations of the territories

which are part of big people and which are under the jurisdiction

of other people; further on, I believe that both populations,

because of the existing international situation and the relevant

postures of the actual world's policy, are forced to think much

more seriously about autonomy rather than independence, even much

more than their public opinion is capable of accepting. I tend

to believe that the best strategy is to try and find the paths

to get the broader autonomy as possible, which would compriseautonomous police, administration, currency... and in my opinion,

this is the best way to win the support of the international

community. The issue of the borders must be sought to be solved

in a "package" - the autonomy of Serbs in Croatia, of Albanians

in Kosova and of those in Macedonia.

KOHA: Do you this that this status-wise parallelism is a future

reality to face?

DENICH: I see no other solution. Even though, it is clear thatthe national movement in Kosova is massive and has the absolute

support of the people and aims the independence and neutrality

of Kosova. I believe that this is a completely understandable

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act, but at the same time it is a an unacceptable problem in the

spheres of international policy, because of the bloody

consequences and the destruction of Yugoslavia so far. This is

an unfair posture towards the Albanians, but the further non-

alteration of the borders is the clear objective and principleof the international community, in respect to the flows in the

Former Yugoslavia.

KOHA: The formulas...

DENICH: ...Precisely. This is the problem, that of finding the

formulas which could give the substance of an independent

creature, within a compound state. I must reiterate that with

this I imply independent judiciary, police, education, equality

of languages and scripts, local administration, local government,

etc... All of this, and of course, the participation in theParliament of the compound state. All of these are offered in the

"Z-4" plan, and if I were the Kosova Albanians, I would carefully

analyze the plan and, if that is possible, I would declare that

"this is more or less what we want"...

KOHA: Maybe only as a precondition, as grounds for

conversations...

DENICH: Exactly, as a starting point for negotiations. Because

if Slobodan Milosevic comes to the point when he has to beg theKrajina Serbs to accept "Plan Z-4" as the most optimal solution

for them, then I don't see why shouldn't an elegant political

step be undertaken by you (Kosova Albanians), declaring that this

is a good starting point for future negotiations.

I believe that we should be very careful and not insist on

formalities such are "unconditional negotiations". It must the

concentrated on the substance of the concessions, i.e. the

achievements through conversations or mediation. Damn it, you

have two million people in Kosova living in miserable conditions

which are unacceptable! I don't believe that, having this inmind, it can be spoken of an abstract status-wise right, but what

should be done is to get engaged to achieve the creation of a

democratic association, in which the people of Kosova could have

the opportunity to choose its own representatives and its own

institutions. Will this be called "Autonomous Kosova" or

"Republic of Kosova within Yugoslavia", this - at least because

of the international postures - should be less important. It

should not be insisted only on one option.

KOHA: What do you think about the independence of Kosova?

DENICH: I will be clear: I believe that Albanians had the full

right to secede and become independent from Yugoslavia, i.e.

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Serbia, and I believe that their right was violated because of

historical reasons. I also don't believe that something like

historical justice exists... However, the present situation can't

last forever. The question to be asked here is: what next? And

I see this as politics - as the capability to achieve thepossible - and not the declamation of clear and abstract moral

postures. If I would want to deal with puritan moral postures I

would had become a priest. I consider myself a politician, a

leftist and a democrat.

KOHA: What can an active Serb politician do in Croatia today?

DENICH: I wouldn't hardly ask the condemnation of Tudjman's whole

family as a precondition for talks... The conditions are such

that people must sit down and talk. What are the dilemmas of a

Croatian Serb today? Terrible but simple at the same time: fightbloodily and determinately to preserve and expand the territories

or sit down and think what is the price to pay for this kind of

struggle? I believe that it is catastrophic to see such

massacres, so many killed or crippled persons. On the other hand,

let's take the example of the Kosova Albanians. What must be

done, when there is a brain-drain going on, when young educated

Albanians go abroad and look for any job in order to survive? I

believe that in Kosova you need a more flexible leadership, which

would try to find the ways to expand the space, which is being

created in Serbia today as a result of the full nationaldisappointment and resignation with war and the losses and

victims in it. I am convinced that the Serbs in Serbia today are

super-exhausted with the adventurers policies and I believe that

the times to express the dilemmas and proposals how to continue

living is in the horizon. Because, one this is clear: whatever

life is chosen, neighbors can't be evaded. They are inevitable!

And since we can't eliminate neighbors, then what should be done

in order to normalize the relations and thus evade bloodshed?

Even though autochthonous in their lands, Albanians have been

neighbors of Serbs for centuries and this is a fact. Therefore

I believe that peace between them should be established, whichis not an easy thing to do. It is much extremely much easier to

fight and get killed. Any fool knows how to kill the other. It

is much more difficult to fight without violence...

KOHA: Non-violent resistance is precisely the motto of the Kosova

Albanian policy...

DENICH: ... and the Albanian leadership there deserves all

compliments for it. The evasion of bloodshed and the creation of

peace is really the hardest and the biggest task in the region.

KOHA: What do you think about the current events in Bosnia?

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DENICH: Bosnia is divided. Nominally, it will remain a union of

Bosnian states or Bosnian Union, but the purpose of the West was

precisely to split it. Will this be 51:49 or 50:50, this is not

that important to me. Maybe what is important is the future

status of the Serbs there, and their relations with Serbia: willthey have the same rights as the Croats in Herzeg-Bosna have in

relation to Croatia? I believe that this issue will be of crucial

importance in the coming days. I believe that Izetbegovic's

government must radically change: there must be conversations

with Belgrade and not Karadzic. This would lead, first of all,

to the elimination of Karadzic and then, in the times to come -

to a suitable terrain for the new model of neighboring

cooperation. Lets' be clear: the model of the ex-Yugoslavia is

non-applicable any longer, but I believe that options such as the

Benelux union, that of three independent states with (eventually)

a common market and currency and maybe even open borders.However, the independence of each one of them remains its main

postulate.

I believe that this would me much more realistic for the Muslims,

than the alliance with Croatia, for many historical reasons and

because of the truth that Croats consider themselves to be part

of Central Croatia rather than the Balkans. I believe that being

part of the Balkans is undisputable for Bosnia, Serbia, Macedonia

and Kosova proper...

KOHA: Tell us something about the successful use of Karadzic by

Belgrade....

DENICH: I think that Milosevic is a brilliant opportunist

politician, lacking of any principles. States have no principles,

they have interests. Then, perceived from the prism of a national

and principled Serb interest, this bloody adventure on the other

side of the Drina was totally unsuccessful, whatever gain it

brings... Look, when war started, there were 1,4 million Serbs

in Bosnia. Now there are less than 700 thousand. Before war,

there were 800 thousand Serbs in Croatia and now there are 400thousand. If there are some more of these "successes", there will

be no more Serbs on the other side of the Drina!!

This is why the rulers of Serbia today have historic

responsibilities. They created an isolated and poor nation,

surrounded by enemies. The main dilemma today is how to get out

from this hell? How to create a state to live in this, out from

this collapse? What do I care for any border if I live in

miserable conditions inside those borders? These are stupidities

of the 19th century! The states should exist for the peopleliving in them and not the people for the states!

KOHA: The political scene, in Belgrade today...

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DENICH: Nothing to say. Belgrade suffered a political

catastrophe. There is no organized political opposition there.

Vuk Draskovic seems to be the only real opposition there, but his

romanticism is unacceptable. I believe that something will be

done through these movements for democracy... I think that IvanDjuric in engaged in something of the kind... However, until a

strong party of the leftist center is established, a party which

would be completely a-national and which would try to cooperate

with the Kosova Albanians and Vojvodina Hungarians; which would

offer the friendly hand to the Sandzak and Bosnian Muslims - then

it can hardly be said that there is a real opposition. I think

that there is some sympathy for this idea in Serbia today, but

then I still believe that the majority of the people in Serbia

are convinced that all of this is somebody else's fault. The

truth is that the main responsible for this is Belgrade's

leadership, i.e. Milosevic, the one who destroyed Yugoslavia.

KOHA: It seemed as if this was Yugoslavia's destiny, in one way

or the other...

DENICH: Yugoslavia did have a lot of problems, that is true. But,

that is nothing compared to what came afterwards. The destruction

of Yugoslavia was an irresponsible act. I believe that this was

also catastrophic for Albanians too. Because whatever Albanians

were lacking then was much better than what they have today, even

though I don't deny the ruling Communist dictate then. But, allof this can't even be compared to the Serbian offensive against

Kosova at the end of the '80s, which in my eyes represents the

beginning of the final destruction of Yugoslavia. The Croats and

Slovenes were completely right to refuse the send their children

to die just to keep an extremely unpopular regime in Kosova...

KOHA: What do you think about JUL's (Yugoslav United Left)

concept. JUL attempts to present itself to the Serbian public as

the democratic left...

DENICH: This is a miserable and false creature! Milosevic'sdemagogic reasons probably lead to the creation of such political

organization. JUL is a waste of time. The left can't be non-

democratic. The definition of the social-democratic left is the

social wing of the democratic movements. And JUL can be anything

by democratic. It is not possible to have the generals that

allowed the destruction of the state, camouflaged in an allegedly

leftist party. Any leftist party in Serbia should first of all

oppose Slobodan Milosevic and his social policy.

KOHA: But he too is a "socialist", isn't he?

DENICH: Demagogy. This is demagogy. Both SPS and JUL are only one

reason that make the birth of a left in Serbia more difficult.

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And this left should change not only the approach but also the

leftist-socialist political language, which has been abused by

Milosevic and his socialists. A big misfortune, but true.

KOHA: How active is your cooperation with the Serb opposition inSerbia?

DENICH: I have close cooperation with democratic groups in

Belgrade, out of which two have the main influence: that of the

Group of Citizens for Democracy and Social Justice chaired by

Golubovic and the independent trade-union "Nezavisnost" lead by

Branislav Canak. I think that today, these are the only sane

forces in Belgrade which should be helped and which in the future

will become natural allies of the Kosova Albanians.

ECONOMY

EMBARGO ON THE PAST

by IBRAHIM REXHEPI / Prishtina

Could it be that today, 14 years after, one could say that

different groups of party committees at all levels, which tended

to declare Albanians incapable to lead and manage any segment ofwork in Kosova, politics, economy, culture, education, science...

were right in their political ascertainments? There is no doubt

that those evaluations were tendentious, because their starting

point was the final goal and not the real situation in the field.

They served as platforms for persecutions, differentiations,

tagging and disqualifications. They were not a presentation of

the real situation then. Unfortunately, even today there are

tendencies to deny everything achieved in the past, especially

in the last decades of the monist system.

It is true that there are many things to talk about in the areaof economy, even about capital failures, but those can't be

placed on the level of individual failures, because the decision

depended on many rings in the chain of the former system. This

was even more stressed after 1981, since all economic issues were

perceived through the political prism, the one which was

legitimized as the institution "for the prevention of the

emigration of Serbs and Montenegrins and the return of all those

who wish to live in Kosova". This motto served for the

construction of many buildings, and even 200 localities also

inhabited by Serbs and Montenegrins were spotted for theconstruction of economic objects. Lets take the example of Batusa

and the way it got its factory. The institutions in Kosova were

only informed that a factory was being built there and that it

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was destined for Serbs alone. Or for example Yumco's textile

factory in Fush Kosov. Under the excuse that it was being built

with the funds from the YU Program, the government and economic

associations were not supposed even to discuss about it. Then,

came brothers Karic from Peja who, wanting to gain political andother points, came out with the idea to construct 200 mini-

factories in villages inhabited only by Serbs and Montenegrins

with their own funds. What came out from this? Nothing. In many

villages (Babush i Serbve or Grack, e.g.) the metallic or

concrete construction remained...

Kosova has almost never had free capital to build at least one

object with its own money. Even its participation in the

investments structure was symbolic, and often it was comprised

of the location and infrastructure alone.

So the question is, where did development come from and how free

was Kosova to decide about the funding coming from other sources?

The constant problem was the lack of ideas, i.e. of projects. It

is really hard to understand that with such a human potential,

in scientific institutions or economy, there was such a poor

offer of development possibilities. Maybe this should be

understood as a mistrust towards scientists, or their disinterest

to propose something concrete, or maybe even as a bureaucratic

attitude of a large number of managers in economy and politics,who had the power to decide about everything, and even to place

important project under their auspices.

They would not admit that these things sought professionalism,

knowledge and the application of the new technological processes.

On the other hand, the "association of labor and funds", advanced

in the process of salvation of Kosova, was nothing else, but a

dictate of subjects outside Kosova over the projects and the

funding as well. Thus, Serbia would insist on having the

investments take place in areas inhabited by Serbs and

Montenegrins, Slovenia and Croatia wouldn't condition theinvestments with the structure of the employees, but apart from

the funding they were offering the projects, and in the phase of

construction they were selling their products and services, while

Macedonia, Montenegro and B&H had not much influence in these

processes.

What came out from this? Mainly fiascos, because in the eighth

decade of this century, one can hardly find a successful object

realized according to the formula determined by the former

federation. Aiming at increasing the employment rate, almost eachmunicipality built one or two confection factories, and then,

there was this orientation to built objects with the lowest

processing capacity of wood in Kosova, i.e., practically install

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only the saws. Something similar was done by "Simpo" in Zubin

Potok, even without informing anyone in Kosova, and not even

"Kosovodrvo" who was the legal owner of the forests. "Jugodrvo"

did the same thing in Peja, and later an investor was sought to

set a saw in the middle of the Sharr mountain: in Shtrpce.

Therefore, the purpose was the exploitation of Kosova, which was

being done in front of people who should have, at least,

complained about it. Kosova had its people in all relevant

institutions and structures which decided about economy and

development in the former federation: the Federation Fund, the

Chamber of Economy of Yugoslavia and Serbia, Federal Executive

Council (government), and not to mention the institutions and

associations in Kosova which were mainly comprised of Albanians.

Is it possible that these people were ignorant, or did they lack

courage to oppose these processes. It seems that it is rather thesecond thing, since one decade later, the same people come back

and testify about what happened to our economy and development.

However, there are no signs of self-criticism in their

statements.

The United Bank of Kosova (UBK) in Prishtina was the place where

the turnover of the capital took place. But, not forgetting the

structure of capital it had, it is hard to say that it was

sovereign in decision-making. About 70% of the funding came from

the Federation Fund, and this money practically represented 80%of the invested funds. Therefore, the space for UBK's

intervention with its own funding was too restricted. It should

not be forgotten that the functioning of this bank was closely

connected to the instruments of government, especially the

Executive Council, where everything was decided previously, while

the only financial institution that Kosova had took care of the

technical aspect of the job. But, what could it have done more

in the cases of projects pushed by influential individuals or

governmental institutions? If it weren't for the lack of courage,

the least that could have been done was to oppose such projects.

It is not true that it only accepted all the projects, but it is

true that it had little influence on the dynamic of the

investment of funds coming from the Federation Fund. There is no

doubt that money was invested in factories whose construction

never ended, or even in factories that produced only loses. But,

could have someone have stopped, for example, the investments in

"Trepa", Kosova's electric company, railway company or the

irrigation system? No, of course not, because these were sealed

as "common interest".

It can't be said that everything failed in these objects, even

though all investments surpassed the plans, which resulted

because of the inflation, the expansion of projects or lack of

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organization in the execution of works.

If only Kosova's interest would have been respected, then not so

many power plants would have been constructed, because Kosova

consumes only one third of the electricity produced in Obiliq,or instead of having had invested in the modernization or

expansion of mines in Serbia and which were bounded to "Trepa",

the funds could have been oriented to Stantrg and Novobrda

mines, so more Zinc and Lead ores could have been available for

production. Or, if there would have been some discipline in

respecting the deadlines and enough money, then the project

(Ibr-Lepenc) for providing Kosova will potable water and

irrigation could have concluded properly. The "Ibr" watering

system finished in a way, while the second part, that of "Lepenc"

didn't even start.. Then the regional system of Batllava didn't

end either and this is why Kosova is lacking potable water fordomestic use and irrigation, both.

The investments policy in Kosova can be described with three

examples. Causally or not, the three of them are linked to the

influence of Serbia in the respective flows. We are referring to

the Factory of Electro-Engines in Gjakova, that of domestic irons

in Ferizaj and "Fapol" in Podujeva. The three of them were built

and were integrated with the Electronic Industry of Nish (EI).

Even, some twenty years ago, it was claimed that they were linkedto EI's producing program. But, soon it became evident that all

of them would fail. The first two factories became economically

strong only after they detached from EI, and after they

introduced huge changes in their producing programs and became

independent in the market. While "Fapol" went bankrupt, from the

very beginning. What is even more characteristic, the technical

attest of the factory never took place and there was never a

final report on the invested funds. This means that nobody knows

how much did the whole thing cost!

Three other stories: at the same time, three investments aretaking place in Kosova. The producing program is the same in the

three of them. Metallic constructions were supposed to be

produced in Gjilan, Prizren and Peja. Today, none of them is

functioning, either because of the failures during investments,

either because of the present economic circumstances.

Three more cases: mining tools and equipment were supposed to be

produced in Obiliq, Gjilan and Mitrovica. Almost the three of

them with the same producing program. None of them was finalized.

After five years, the started construction of 190 factoriesdidn't end either. They remain as monuments which symbolize the

occupation of Kosova in the segment of economy too.

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The truth is that the occupation of Kosova at least in the

development and investing plane started long ago, but not many

have the courage to say this. To talk about failures and trying

to find the ones to blame, requests quite some effort and big

courage, because the ones who can do this, used to steer theeconomic institutions which decided about many things. Self-

criticism should find some space in all of this, because it is

inconceivable and even ridiculous to listen to these people

talking about the failures in the past.

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APPENDIX

J A V O R E / Albanian weekly

P.O. BOX 202

38000 PRISHTINA

Issued by the KOHA Editorial Board

English Edition: KOHA

Contact Person: Filloreta Bytyqi

Phone & Fax: +381 38 31 031

+381 38 31 036

Modem: +381 38 31 276

E-Mail: koha_pr@zana-pr.ztn.zer.de